共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Margarita Aragon 《Immigrants & Minorities》2017,35(1):59-77
This article explores the flexible manner in which discourses of anti-black racism were employed within congressional debates on the proposed restriction of Mexican immigration at the end of the 1920s. I examine how both sides of this debate placed Mexicans within a particular historical narrative of race and nation, positioned in relation to a range of other populations, including Chinese and Japanese immigrants, Native Americans, Filipinos and Puerto Ricans. Within these narratives, slavery and the imagined negro problem were particularly salient, being frequently used to orient racial interpretations of Mexican immigrants as well as the manner in which they were positioned in relation to other ‘racial elements’. Imprinted with US histories of slavery, conquest and empire, these discourses offer insight into the ambivalent interrelationships of American’s multiple trajectories of racism. 相似文献
2.
Gary H. Toops 《Canadian Slavonic papers》2013,55(1-2):39-56
In the present essay I employ archetypal criticism to explore the mythological subtext of Valerii Shevchuk’s novella Hunchback Zoya. I argue that the theme of initiation of the male characters—congruous with the theme of healing repeatedly present in Shevchuk’s works—is central to this particular novella. My analysis of this topic relies on such Jungian notions as the archetype, the conscious and unconscious psyche, and individuation. I further argue, that like Shevchuk’s other works, his Hunchback Zoya endorses implicit post-colonial arguments, inviting parallels between the characters’ and the nation’s individuation. On this level the novella suggests that modern Ukraine is capable of reintegratiing its cultural and spiritual heritage and restoring its national selfhood. 相似文献
3.
This article elucidates and elaborates upon the contextualized meaning of strangeness and the experience of being a stranger. Our empirical study of strangeness embarks simultaneously from the three leading theories of the stranger—as cultural reader (Schuetz 1944), as demarcator of social boundaries (Simmel 1950), and as trespasser of social categories (Bauman 1990, 1991)—and at the same time criticizes these theories for artificially divesting strangeness of social context. Our thesis about strangeness-in-context is grounded in in-depth interviews we conducted with Jewish–Russian immigrants (twenty-one university students) who have lived in kibbutzim. Our assumption is that the kibbutz as a communal home is a suitable case study to illuminate the manyfold dimensions of strangeness, as it intensifies the tension between insiders and outsiders. In explicating the immigrant's sense of strangeness we claim the local context of the kibbutz interacts with the Israeli national definition of the immigrant as a homecomer. 相似文献
4.
《Comparative American Studies》2013,11(1):95-107
AbstractThis essay looks at the work of the contemporary Mexican-American woman playwright, Cherríe Moraga. It focuses on two of her plays which were produced during the mid-1990s entitled Heroes and Saints and Watsonville: Some Place Not Here, although other plays from this period, such as Circle in the Dirt: El Pueblo de East Palo Alto, also appear in the study. The plays are based on Moraga’s responses to certain environmental and historical events which took place in California during this period. I explore how each work stages environmental protest in ways that reinscribe gender, myth, and indigeneity. In particular, I explore how Moraga recreates on stage utopian and dytopian and past and present landscapes, and how she stages feminist protest in response to both the levels of pesticides used in large-scale agricultural farming and the exploitation of the workers. 相似文献
5.
Leah Perry 《Cultural Studies》2014,28(5-6):844-868
In the self-proclaimed ‘nation of immigrants’, a struggle for power plays out in US immigration law. This article examines such a struggle in the context of rising neoliberalism. As president Ronald Reagan set out to revolutionize America with the deregulation of the economy, privatization, and the globalization of capitalist democracy, pundits claimed that the country was experiencing a Mexican illegal immigration crisis that pivoted on Mexican women's fecundity and abuse of social services. Yet along with punitive provisions, the first US law to directly address undocumented migration, the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) included an amnesty programme widely praised as a democratic watershed for the undocumented. Consequently, ‘multicultural’ immigrant men and women seemed to be embraced, while in the same breath disciplined through discourses of respectability and criminality that secured both a pool of cheap immigrant labourers and minoritized citizens. More specifically, two strains of ‘nation of immigrants’ discourse that circulated around amnesty during the law-making process affectively (and effectively) framed America as the globally exceptional guarantor of democratic rights, inclusivity, and equal access to economic opportunity for citizens. On one hand, discourse that welcomed and celebrated an abstracted immigrant subject who was free to succeed on the basis of individual hard work was coded as the epitome of Americanism. On the other hand, discourse that welcomed explicitly racialized and gendered immigrants who were free to succeed on the basis of their hard work was coded as emblematically American. In this case respectable tokens of multiculturalism (i.e. immigrants of colour and especially immigrant women of colour who upheld traditional family values) evidenced American inclusivity. This article argues that both strains of ‘nation of immigrants’ discourse naturalized a relationship between citizenship, freedom, and free markets and thus powerfully masked the exploitative social relations key to neoliberal economic arrangements. 相似文献
6.
Allan Metz 《Immigrants & Minorities》2013,31(2):130-155
This article deals with a distinct minority group, the Jews, and Latin American perceptions of them as well as perceptions of Jews as immigrants and the discrepancy between official statements and actual policy. A main point of the article is that this discrepancy between word and deed was evident prior to the Marín survey of 1942–43, as epitomized by the Evian Conference of 1938 on refugees and immigration, and continued into the Second World War, at a time when more open immigration policies were so desperately needed. 相似文献
7.
Brian T. Mokopakgosi 《Social Dynamics》2013,39(1):33-45
This article documents key aspects of the role played by University students in Botswana in the liberation struggle, from the early years of the University in the mid‐1960s to the year of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980. Three demonstrations by University students are analysed, and the article concludes that, contrary to the received literature, the University contributed to the liberation struggle in a meaningful way. Although students at the University continued to play a part in the liberation struggle after 1980, this period is not discussed as the liberation struggle became just one of the key agenda items in a broadened political programme that focussed on local concerns of the students such as fees, allowances, institutional governance and democratisation. 相似文献
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Edith Pichler 《International Review of Sociology》2017,27(1):25-36
Already at the beginning of the fifties on the initiative of Italy, negotiations began between the Italian and German governments for the recruitment of migrant-workers, which ended in 1955 with a bilateral agreement between the two countries. Through this recruitment policy and because of the labour-market (Industry and Building) the Italian migration was composed prevalently of men. Female immigration happened in the setting of family reunification and less as an independent movement project. After years of stagnation of italian emigration in the eighties it may also be noted that, since the early nineties, there has been a revival of immigration to Germany. This and modernisation processes in Italy changed the gender composition of the Italian immigration flow to Germany: the distance between male and female immigration is decreasing. A peculiarity of the Italians in Germany is the low occupational participation of women in comparison with other women from EU countries. However, we could observe regional differences, which depend on the migration typologies and the dominating economic structure in the areas. The paper will analyse this different aspects (immigration-processes, migrant-typologies and labour-market participation) by female Italian migrants. 相似文献
11.
The army–family relationship is vital for control by a state aware that the family is the central agent influencing their son to enlist. A historically ‘affectionate’ relationship prevailed between Israel's army and families. During and after the Yom Kippur War, families of captive and missing soldiers, and bereaved families, adopted ‘new’ social behaviors. They organized in an institutionalized manner, clashing with the establishment. Our research highlights the changing behavior patterns. Previously, Israel's ‘fighting family’ had applied a ‘hegemonic behavior model’. Families could process their loss privately, or publicly – as cultural agents committed to state values. After the war, many spurned that model and entered the public space, calling senior government officials ‘enemies’, ‘guilty’ of their plight. The new behavior fell on fertile ground: the declining traditional ‘network of elites’ and the burgeoning social-civil arena. Families of captive and MIA soldiers, and of fallen soldiers, adopted the trailblazing model. We first address theoretical aspects of ties between state and society, parenthood and family. Next we explore the ‘hegemonic model’ describing the pre-Yom Kippur War relationship between families and the establishment. We describe the ‘new’ behavior of two groups: families of captive and missing soldiers, and families of fallen soldiers. The state's co-opting of the family appears to be a regressive process, and the two institutions have begun operating competitively. 相似文献
12.
Anja Wiesbrock 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2011,49(4):48-66
In an overall ranking by the Migration Policy Group of 2006 measuring immigrant integration policies in 28 countries, Sweden scored more points than any other country. This result is especially interesting given that Swedish integration policies differ considerably from integration policies applied in other EU countries. Whereas in countries such as the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, the United Kingdom, and France integration conditions have become increasingly restrictive in recent years, in Sweden the participation in integration courses is still voluntary and no integration requirements must be met for long‐term residence or citizenship. Moreover, the Swedish integration programme is characterised by an increasing number of labour‐market related integration measures. Yet, in contrast to the Migration Policy Group ranking, data collected from the OECD and Eurostat seem to indicate unfavourable integration outcomes in Sweden, at least in terms of labour market participation. The gap in employment rates between the native and foreign‐born population in Sweden widened during the 1990s and has not narrowed significantly since then. This means that the outcome of Swedish integration policies is at least ambiguous, which makes the use of Sweden as a model for integration policies in other member states inconceivable. 相似文献
13.
Temily Tianmay Tavangar 《全球网;跨国事务杂志》2023,23(3):570-582
This paper contributes to the debate on cosmopolitanism by examining the spread of the Bahá’í Faith in Singapore and Malaya (1950–1975). The Bahá’í Faith is a significant case as its followers came to span the globe in 150 years. This paper probes into the relationship between the faith's transnational spread and its religious cosmopolitanism in three parts. First, I outline the inseparability of ‘world citizenship’ from Bahá’í teachings. Second, I trace its spread in Singapore and Malaya – a process that initially relied on serendipitous encounters between travellers and migrants, one that I call ‘cosmopolitan convergences’. Third, I explore the expansion of the Bahá’í Faith among Malaya's Semai tribe. Here, Bahá’í world citizenship became grounded in collective cultural practices, facilitating what I call ‘situated religious cosmopolitanism’. The connection between the contrasting populations discussed in this paper demonstrates the potential of grounding religious networks within normative cosmopolitan ideals and practices. 相似文献
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15.
Krista Lynn Minnotte 《Journal of Family and Economic Issues》2012,33(1):95-107
This study examined whether single parents experience greater reductions in work-to-family conflict from using resources than
partnered parents do. The question of whether single mothers, single fathers, partnered mothers, or partnered fathers experienced
differing levels of work-to-family conflict was also addressed. Data were from the 2002 National Study of the Changing Workforce,
and only those respondents with at least one child under the age of 18 living in the household were included in the analysis
(N = 1325). Findings indicated that single-parent status was not directly related to work-to-family conflict. Rather single-parent status interacted with other variables, including gender,
control over work hours, and the number of other adults in the home, in predicting work-to-family conflict. 相似文献
16.
Natalia Khvorostianov 《Journal of Family Communication》2016,16(4):355-368
In addition to coping with intergenerational and spousal problems related to aging and/or immigration, elderly immigrants in Israel are also often burdened with domesticating information and communication technologies (ICTs). Thus, the goal of this study is to explore how relationships within the elderly immigrant’s family are manifested in a home computer context and to determine the roles that domestication of the relevant technologies plays in their family life. This qualitative study is based on in-depth interviews with 26 elderly users who immigrated from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) to Israel about 20 years ago. The findings show that ICT domestication and family dynamics are complex, interrelated processes: Technologies have dramatically changed the elderly immigrants’ family situations, yet immigrants have accorded these technologies unique meaning, adapting them to respond to their family needs and negotiating ICT domestication as a means of discussing and rebuilding family communication. 相似文献
17.
Emir Ozeren Omur Neczan Timurcanday Ozmen Andrea Appolloni 《Transition Studies Review》2013,19(4):475-492
When examining the literature of cross-cultural field holistically, it can be seen that the dominant paradigm in the literature is based on values. However, in recent decades there have been growing criticisms against values in explaining cultural differences adequately and thus a new cultural dimension, the so called “tightness–looseness” has, once again, come to the forefront. The beginning point of this research is based on the assumption that cultural tightness–looseness, defined as strength, importance, pervasive and binding of norms within a certain community, which was previously examined on a societal level, might also have significant implications within organizations. In this regard, the ultimate objective of the research is to examine the validity and reliability of the construct in Turkish and Italian marble industries using a comparative approach, while considering the cultural dimension of tightness–looseness at an organizational level and aiming to explore its relationship with organizational innovativeness empirically. The survey method has therefore been adopted. The results and implications of the study are discussed in greater detail and recommendations for future studies made. 相似文献
18.
Bram Lancee 《The International migration review》2010,44(1):202-226
This paper aims at explaining to what extent social capital can help immigrants in the Netherlands make headway on the labor market. Two forms of social capital are identified. Bonding refers to a dense network with thick trust and is measured as the strength of family ties and trust in the family. Bridging implies a crosscutting network with thin trust and is measured as inter-ethnic contacts and outward orientation. It is examined to what extent bonding and bridging for immigrants in the Netherlands can be associated with a higher likelihood of employment and higher income. Results show that (1) bridging networks are positively associated with both employment and income; (2) bonding networks do not affect economic outcomes; and (3) levels of trust (neither thick nor thin) cannot explain economic outcomes. 相似文献
19.
André C. Drainville 《Globalizations》2013,10(3):357-377
To think through what new, perhaps transformative, way of life and struggle might be in the process of being invented by social forces moving on the terrain of the world economy, we must look into real concrete organizations binding people together. Only then can we begin to see what might be most radical about contemporary social movements: the putting into dialectical relation of two relatively autonomous, spatially specific, modes of struggle: a local ‘wars of position’ and a ‘war of movement’ that takes place on the terrain of the world economy. This article deals with the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW), which has just won a 10-year-long campaign to raise the income and better the living conditions of tomato pickers in Southwest Florida. For all its specificity, this campaign presents us with a concrete organizational experience from which we can think more generally about the political significance of what has been variously and vaguely termed ‘the new internationalism of social movements’, ‘the anti-globalization movement’, or ‘globalization from below’. 相似文献
20.
Karin Lurvink 《Slavery & abolition》2013,34(3):472-493
This article shows that slavery was more connected to Dutch society and economy than has been previously assumed. It does so by investigating the people involved in Dutch slavery insurance in the period 1718–1734, when the Dutch slave trade was monopolized by the state-chartered West India Company (WIC) and the period 1763–1778, when the private slave trade reached its peak and slavery insurance was more common. This article analyzes a variety of primary sources that have not been studied in this light before. The analysis shows that a large and varied group was involved and that slavery insurance was not a regional institution that only affected the Dutch colonies. 相似文献