绿洲与绿洲城市：从农牧时代到工业时代新疆城市发展的特点

新疆特殊的自然地理环境,尤其是其独特的绿洲生态系统对新疆城市的影响显著.绿洲和绿洲城市成为新疆城市区别于中国其他区域城市的一个十分重要的特点.农牧业时代新疆绿洲城市的特点主要表现为两个方面,一是绿洲城市与绿洲具有一致性特点--不平衡性、分散性和封闭性;二是新疆绿洲城市数量少、规模小,长期发展缓慢.进入工业时代,新疆绿洲城市的发展出现新的特点,一是城市数量增多,城市规模扩大,初步形成绿洲城市区域体系;二是绿洲城市从封闭走向开放;三是经济城市从单一功能向综合性多功能发展,城市功能不断强化;四是绿洲城市出现可持续发展的新趋势.在国家实施"一带一路"战略的背景下,新疆绿洲城市迎来了新的发展机遇.     

新疆城市百年巨变:结构与功能

新疆城市在这百年间发生巨大变化。其城市质量的提升主要表现在基础设施的快速发展与巨大变化,城市经济产业结构发生根本性转变,各经济要素配置日趋合理,城市文化得到很大发展,教育质量明显改善,各族人民的文化素质有了很大提高,城市居民生活水平大幅提升,生活质量日益改善,城市各构成要素和所涉及领域在质量和规模上都显示出巨大的发展与提升。     

近代新疆城市体系构建与城市分布特点的历史审视

新疆面积虽然广阔，但是适合人类生存的绿洲所占面积小且非常分散，由此决定了新疆城市数量少、规模小且非常分散。另外，新疆位于亚洲中心地带，居于东、西方文化交汇、交流的重要区域，城市文明兴起较早，但分散而弱小的城市文明一般不能长久延续发展。清以前，数量少且非常分散的新疆城市内部之间相互缺乏有机联系。晚清民国时期，随着新疆建省，中央政府对新疆治理的不断加强，新疆区域城市体系逐渐形成。由于受到“三山夹两盆”自然地理环境的影响，新疆城市初步形成了五大区域城市体系，而每一区域城市体系内部的城市分布也各具特色。新疆城市体系的形成和空间分布，一方面与新疆政治、经济、社会和文化的发展有着直接的关系，并有着很强的历史继承性；同时受到自然地理环境的重要影响和制约，充分反映了城市发展的多样性和发展不平衡性。     

民族性与边疆性:新疆城市发展的特点

新疆自古以来就是多民族与多文化的汇聚地,其对清代及民国时期新疆城市的空间布局和建筑产生了巨大的影响,内地汉文化和新疆多民族文化在新疆城市建设过程中相互作用,形成了新的特色,即双城结构,甚至多城结构。清代民国时期新疆的多个民族和多元文化对城市居民的生活习俗也产生了重要的影响。20世纪中叶以后新疆城市民族构成及文化多元进一步发展,在城市建设、宗教、民俗等层面都产生了深远的影响。新疆的边疆性特征,使得其在军事上和边贸上的功能突出。清前中期新疆建立大批军事城市,至清末民国时期,这些城市的军事功能仍然发挥重要作用。20世纪中期以后一批兵团城市和军垦城镇出现,并得到较大的发展,"屯垦戍边"向"建城戍边"转型。     

近代西康移民浪潮与城市发展

人口流动与城市发展有着密切的关系。近代以来,西康地区经历了两次大规模的移民浪潮,一次是清末民初在官府统筹下所进行的军事镇戍、垦殖、商贸等活动带动的移民潮,第二次是抗战时期的人口西进运动和西康建省所带来的移民潮。这两次移民潮规模巨大,其直接效果是西康地区城市人口规模的迅速扩大,促进了西康地区城市从经济到社会等各个方面的深刻变迁。移民潮使劳动力市场和产品消费市场进一步扩大,城镇化水平提高。同时人口增长为西康城市发展注入了新的活力,城市人口民族构成、职业构成成分趋于多样化,商人群体的壮大拓展了城市经济的发展空间,知识分子阶层随之兴起,城市空间结构与城市建设也发生重要改变,这为此后半个多世纪西康地区城市发展奠定了重要的基础。     

移民与近代上海回民社会(1849—1959)

回族是上海最重要的少数民族群体。从19世纪中期到20世纪中期百年时间内,其人数由数百人发展到近三万人规模,绝大部分都是由外地迁入的移民组成。本文从人口数量、移民类型和在城市中的空间分布三个角度对这一群体进行考察,从近代城市化的视角下,进一步探讨在中国近代社会转型过程中的回民群体的适应性措施。     

加强“兵团”城市建设 完善新疆城市体系

新疆地处中国西隅,随着近代以来中国的海上大门被打开,外向型发展使得新疆地区更加远离政治、经济、文化发展的中心,城市化进程长期落后于沿海及内地的城市。改革开放以后,新疆城市获得了长足的发展,城市化水平不断提高,但是与经济发达的沿海、内地相比,仍然有明显的差距。当前,生产建设兵团在推动新疆城市化进程,完善新疆城市体系,改变新疆城市空间分布不平衡的现状,推动新疆跨越式发展,稳定我国西北边防、新疆社会稳定等方面将发挥重要作用。为此,发展"兵团"城市,能够有效优化"兵团"产业结构,促进"兵团"经济进步,带动"兵团"的整体发展。     

"津帮"在近代新疆的商业活动述评

近代津帮在新疆商业史上扮演了重要角色.伴随着清军平叛阿古柏反动政权,津商以"赶大营"的形式来到新疆.19世纪末20世纪初新疆的社会整合,为商业营造了一个良好的发展空间,促使津帮在新疆商界迅速崛起.津帮的商业活动在推动新疆经济发展、加强民族团结、抵抗外国经济侵略、促进城市近代化等方面,都做出了不可磨灭的贡献.     

绿色城市视觉秩序符号的研究

绿色城市建设是城市活力与可持续发展能力的根本要求,面对城市发展所带来的交通、生态、环境等问题,20世纪70年代开始,欧洲开展了绿色城市主义实践,"绿色城市"成为西方发达国家城市建设的重要发展方向."里约+20"峰会的召开使"经济社会绿色发展""绿色经济模式"成为了国际社会广泛讨论的议题,让越来越多的国家认识到绿色发展的重要性和迫切性.党的十八大报告首次单篇论述生态文明,首次把"美丽中国"作为未来生态文明建设的宏伟目标.中央经济工作会议进一步明确了要走"集约、智能、绿色、低碳的新型城镇化道路"."绿色城市"作为生态文明和城镇化的重要结合点,正在引起各地的高度重视,先后提出要建设"绿色城市".     

以色列外来犹太移民与城市化发展

外来犹太移民作为以色列构建国家的基石,不仅促进了城市人口的增长,推动了新城的建立,加快了产业结构的升级,也提升了以色列城市化的发展水平。在外来移民的助推下,以色列的城市化先后经历了自发发展与政府推进两个阶段,城市规模日益扩大,城市数量显著增加,城市布局不断优化,成为当今世界城市化成功的典范。     

略论西藏城市的历史发展及其地位

西藏城市虽然形成较晚,经历了原始聚落、堡寨、城市雏形、城市形成等漫长的过程,但是在西藏发展的历史过程中却有着重要的地位和作用。西藏城市成为区域政治、军事中心,推动西藏社会的发展变迁;西藏城市具有重要的聚集和辐射功能,对区域经济发展起着带动作用;西藏城市是重要的宗教文化载体,受宗教影响巨大,宗教文化功能突出。自元代以来,西藏城市还充分发挥着维护国家统一,促进民族融合,巩固边疆的作用。     

基于经济联系强度和区域断裂点的拉萨-日喀则城市互动发展分析

拉萨和日喀则分别是西藏第一和第二大的城市,在西藏经济发展中具有重要地位。利用经济联系强度和区域影响断裂点两个分析工具对近年来拉萨、日喀则的经济数据进行分析可知,拉萨-日喀则两市之间的经济联系强度以平均每年20%左右的速率增加,而两市之间的断裂点出现在距拉萨191.27km～217.75km附近。因此,加快西藏自治区的城市化建设,应注重保持和加强拉萨-日喀则两市的经济联系强度,以及重点扶持断裂点附近县市经济发展。     

清代藏新蒙边疆城市发展滞后原因探析

清代中国内陆边疆西藏、新疆、蒙古地区城市出现较快发展,但相比内地的城市发展仍然滞后和缓慢。脆弱的自然地理环境、频发的自然灾害、社会动乱与内外战争、落后的经济基础、人口、思想观念等都是造成藏、新、蒙边疆城市发展滞后和缓慢的原因。当前,制约内陆边疆地区城市发展的各种因素已经发生了较大的改变,部分因素却仍然存在,成为今天制约藏、新、蒙内陆边疆地区城市化的因素,因而从历史的角度进行深入探析有着重要的现实意义。     

清代藏、新、蒙地区城市的发展变迁

中国内陆边疆西藏、新疆、蒙古地区的城市历史悠久,但在历史发展的长河中却时常遭到破坏,部分城市的发展中断。清代,由于这些地区纳入到统一的中国版图,从而为城市的发展创造了条件。清代藏、新、蒙地区的城市都出现了不同程度的发展,具有一些共同的特征。但与内地城市相比,它们仍然处于不发展的滞后状态。     

民国时期天山北麓东路城市多民族居民生活的变化

Although the Republican era of China did not last very long, it was a significant period in which China transformed from an agricul-tural to an industrial era, and from a traditional so-ciety to a modern one. During this period, not only did the politics and economics change dramatical-ly, but also the lives of urban residents. Although Xinjiang is located in the western frontier area of inland China, since the Qing dynasty, its politi-cal, economic and cultural connections with inland China gradually increased. Xinjiang is not an iso-lated region, it actually is located in the central ar-ea of Asia. So, its openness is very pronounced. Even though during the Republican era, inland China was gripped in the chaos of war, Xinjiang’s political, economic and cultural connections with the inland were never broken. Although sometimes the central government’s control in Xinjiang was not so strong, the central government’s policies had always impacted strongly on Xinjiang. In addition, due to the continuous migration of the inland popu-lation ( especially intellectuals, and political and military people) into urban areas, such as Dihua in Xinjiang during the Republic era of China, the politics, economics and culture of inland China had a big impact on the lives of Xinjiang urban res-idents. Moreover, Xijiang is neighbors with Rus-sia. Since the middle of the 19th century, Russia, whose industrialization and modernization occurred earlier and faster than China’s, often made political and military invasions, as well as cultural infiltra-tion, into Xinjiang. After the founding of the Sovi-et Union, its influence on the cities of Xijiang gradually increased. Especially during the period when Sheng Shicai managed Xinjiang, the influ-ence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang was the stron-gest. In addition to political influence, economic and cultural influences became more pronounced, and numerous industrial and cultural products made in the Soviet Union were imported into Xin-jiang. This had a dramatic impact on the urban residents of Xinjiang. As a political, economic and cultural center of Xinjiang, Dihua was alive with many Russians who engaged in political, economic and cultural activities. Hence, their direct or indi-rect influence on the lives of Dihua residents was stronger than in other cities. At present, the research on Xinjiang during the Republican era of China mainly focuses on the political and economic domains , and less attention is paid to its urban life. However, the changes of modernization are not only reflected in the aspects of politics and economics, but also in the field of social life. Hence, to strengthen the research on the changes in social life in urban areas of Xinjiang during the Republican era of China is significant. The Republican era of China was an important pe-riod for Xinjiang society. Although if we compare it with the urban areas along the eastern coastal ar-ea of China, the impact of western culture on the lives of urban residents in Xinjiang during this pe-riod was not so strong, and the changes in social life also reflected multi - ethnic characteristics. The changes in urban life in Xinjiang were also an important part of the changes following China’s modernization. It reflected a both generalization and a diversity of the urban changes created by China’s modernization. In addition, one should note the impact of the changes in Xinjiang’s urban life during the Republican era on that of Xinjiang during the latter half of the 20th century. Thus, it is very necessary to conduct a research on the lives of Xinjiang’s urban residents during the Republican era of China. Xinjiang has been a multi-ethnic area since ancient times, a fact which contributes the ethnic diversity that characterizes the social life of Xin-jiang cities. During the Republican era, the mate-rial life of the various ethnic groups living in Xinjiang’s cities changed successively due to the impact of external cultures, and the wave of mod-ernization. However the changes to the material lives of the various ethnic groups were different. The content of material life is very broad. General-ly speaking, it comprises people’s daily life, inclu-ding clothing, food, shelter and transportation, all of which are regarded as basic essentials for peo-ple. In a period of scarcity of goods and materials, material life became the most important thing for most of the public. Hence, changes with regard to material life, to a large extent, is reflected in the changes in the social lives of urban residents. Generally speaking, compared with the situa-tion in the Qing dynasty, the clothing in Xinjiang cities such as Dihua exhibited a big change. How-ever , this change displayed multi-ethnic and diver-sified characteristics. Concerning the food culture of Dihua urban residents during the Republican era of China, it reflected more open, inclusive and mutually influential features. In other words, the existence of a diversified food culture and diverse development was an important characteristic of the time. Concerning shelter during this period, a big change in Dihua’s urban style was that some mod-ern buildings co-appeared alongside traditional style buildings, no matter whether it was in the pri-vate space or public space. Moreover, the trans-portation mechanisms also changed during this pe-riod. Roads for cars appeared in Dihua, which opened the gate for Xinjiang’s automobile age. During the Republican era of China, most ur-ban residents in Xijiang’s cities, such as Dihua, kept their traditional customs. However, there were also some changes due to the influence of ex-ternal cultures—these changes were presented as the characteristics of pluralism, diversity and a mixture of the old and new. Multiple ethnic groups concentrated in an area in the eastern zone line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan. During the process of history, the different ethnic groups formed their own cultures and religious beliefs. In the Republican era of China, the various ethnic groups lived in harmony most of time, and the plu-ralism and inclusiveness of cultures gradually in-creased. Generally speaking, the lives and cus-toms of the Han in Xinjiang cities, such as Dihua during the Republican era of China, were almost same as those of the Han in inland China. On one hand, they kept many of their traditional customs;yet, on the other hand, they also gradually accept-ed some new ones from external cultures. The eth-nic minorities, such as the Uygur and Hui, were deeply influenced by Islamic religious culture. Their religious cultural life exhibited almost no change during the Republican era of China, and they, for the most part, maintained their tradi-tions. During this period, in keeping with the gradual consciousness of ethnic equality, although various ethnic groups kept their own traditions, and they did not reject each others’ traditions, and instead, there was some mutual exchanges among them. This made the urban culture more diversi-fied . Not only were the festivals of the Uyghur pop-ular among themselves, the Han were also invited to participate in them. Moreover, the Han’s festi-vals, especially the Spring Festival, Lantern Festi-val and others, were also gradually accepted by other ethnic groups, and, for example, the Uy-ghur, Hui, Mongolian and Kazakhs, and others all participated in these festivals. In the middle and latter period of the Republican era, the urban cul-ture of Xinjiang exhibited a sense of openness. Within the basis of maintaining their own ethnic cultural traditions, each ethnic group showed an opened attitude to new cultures, and, hence, ur-ban culture became more diversified and rich. During the time when agriculture was more dominant , traditional cities lacked of public cultur-al spaces. Hence, Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples and mosques became the sites for organi-zing public cultural activities in the urban areas. Since modern times, the public cultural spaces in urban areas have experienced a great change. Parks, as a new mode of public space, began to appear successively in some important cities. At the end of the Republican era of China, the public cultural space of Dihua had been further expand-ed. In 1948, there were four such kind of public cultural sites in Dihua, such as Zhongshan Park, Hongyan Lake, Shuimo River, and Wulabai. In addition to these, the cinema also played a very important role in the new entertainment life of the urban residents of Dihua. In 1944, Dihua had three movie theaters which were run respectively by the government, a businessman and a Russian. Movies had a very direct impact on the residents’ vision and mind, especially on the youth. A new movie sometimes would change some people’s view of life or the rules of their behavior. In short, the Republican era was a dramatic period of change during which China transformed from a traditional agricultural society to a modern industrial one. Following the changes in politics, economics and culture, people’s material life and cultural life were also changed. Due to the vast territory, and uneven political and economic devel-opment of China, the changes differed in various regions. Xinjiang is a frontier area in western Chi-na. Its communication with the outside world was not so convenient. Hence, compared with the east-ern coastal region, the degree of change in Xin-jiang was lower, and the speed of change was also relatively slower. However, this kind of change ac-cumulated over several decades, so, with time, the changes also became very noticeable. Howev-er , due to the uneven regional development in Xin-jiang, the changes in some cities were slow while in some they were fast. Compared with other places of Xinjiang, the changes along the eastern line of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan, and taking Dihua as the center, were faster and more obvious in the Republican era. On one hand, Di-hua was more strongly influenced by the politics, economics and culture of inland China; and, on the other hand, Dihua was also influenced more di-rectly by the politics, economics and culture of the Soviet Union With the combined role played by the both sources, the material life of the urban resi-dents of Dihua, including clothing, food, shelter and transportation, as well as the customs, and cultural entertainments, changed dramatically. This change was not only similar to that of inland cities, but it also reflected regional characteristics of Xinjiang—the characteristics of ethnicity and di-versity wee more pronounced. In addition, com-pared with Tibet which is also in the western fron-tier of China, the changes brought by the urban modernization in Xinjiang was more dramatic. This was directly connected with Xinjiang’s geographical location, natural climatic conditions, as well as its political, economic and cultural development. Al-though Xinjiang lies in the western frontier of Chi-na, its transportation connections with inland Chi-na and the outside world were more convenient than those in Tibet. During the Republican era, the railways, highways and aviation routes devel-oped relatively well, the Xinjiang’s economic, and cultural connections with both inland China and the Soviet Union were also relatively close. In addi-tion, an important natural condition which also created good conditions for the opening up of Xin-jiang is that the elevation of most areas of Xinjiang is not high—the average elevation is around 1000 meters. Hence, the natural geographical conditions promoted a population flow between Xinjiang and inland China, as well as between Xinjiang and the Soviet Union. Moreover, after the settling of Xin-jiang province at the end of the Qing dynasty, the feeldings and unity with inland China were ensured from an institutional aspect. It was just under such kind of background that the lives of the urban resi-dents living in the eastern zone of the northern foot of Mount Tianshan experienced a dramatic change, and presented a characteristic of ethnic diversity, pluralism and mixture of old and new.     

新疆流浪儿童问题调查--兼论个体行为对族群形象及地区形象的影响

在新疆区外流浪的新疆流浪儿童 ,绝大多数是来自南疆城乡的维吾尔族男孩。他们被诱拐 ,被成年人控制 ,以盗窃为主要的谋生手段 ,并在大、中城市间有目的地频繁流动。新疆流浪儿童问题产生的根本原因是区域性发展不平衡 ,其次 ,新疆流浪儿童的特殊性使政府有关部门难以处理。由于新疆流浪儿童依托于在内地生活的本族群体 ,当地有关部门对异地、异族文化的陌生与隔阂 ,使流浪儿童的个人行为成为内地一些地方出现歧视与排斥新疆人现象的一个重要原因 ,甚至因此影响到新疆与内地、维吾尔族与汉族的关系     

清末民国时期新疆民族人口与分布格局

文章认为构成清末民国时期新疆社会的最基本要素是人口和民族.这一时期的民族关系因社会的变化而变化,人口变动、分布状况无不影响着民族关系,原住民、难民、殖民、移民构成清末民国时期新疆民族空间分布格局.     

城市流动少数民族人口的社会保障权及其实现

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