Bureaucracy,Democracy and <Emphasis Type="Italic">Ex</Emphasis>clusion: Why Indigenous Knowledge Holders Have a Hard Time Being Taken Seriously

This paper explores inherent tensions between two democratic ideals: citizen representation and accountability of the state. Specifically, I argue that the method by which state officials make themselves accountable—through their creation of the appearance of transparency—results in the exclusion of alternative, non-scientific ways of knowing, including those that are gendered, local and indigenous, because these ways of knowing often employ non-standardized methods which are not “transparent” in the same way as science and therefore easily dismissed by state officials as indefensible to citizens’ questioning. I explore this tension by drawing on examples from ethnographic work I completed with two groups of knowledge practitioners, Kwakwaka’wakw First Nations (Native American) traditional marine harvesters and government biologists, both of whom work with clams.     

History and the National Sensorium: Making Sense of Polish Mythology

Based on archival and ethnographic data from the Polish case, this article argues that national mythology is structured by historical events and embodied in visual and material cultures, which in turn frame national subjects’ understanding of the present. It suggests that the convergence and exchange between diverse sites of material expression and sensory perception, and their compression into trans-temporal nodes—what I call the “national sensorium”—makes them especially resilient. Even so, as historically constructed, contingent and contested systems of myths, the extent to which national mythologies can shape national identity or mobilize toward nationalist action depends on the specific historical contexts in which they are deployed. Theoretically, this article joins historical and phenomenological approaches to propose a framework for thinking about the constitution, persistence and shifting social and political valences of national mythologies.     

THE IMPACT OF TELEVISED SPEECHES AND FOREIGN TRAVEL ON PRESIDENTIAL APPROVAL

Considerable attention has been devoted in recent years to theuse of political drama by the president, with the most discretionaryforms of drama—speeches and foreign travel—receivingmuch scrutiny. In fact, there has arisen a conventional wisdomwhich asserts that televised speeches and foreign travel bythe president (1) have increased over time, (2) exert a uniformlypositive impact on public evaluations of the president's performance,and (3) can therefore be used as a strategy for influencingthe president's approval ratings, a vital resource for the modernpresident. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate this conventionalwisdom and thus assess the value of televised speeches and foreigntravel as influences on presidential approval. The paper firstdefines political drama and casts the conventional wisdom inthe form of three propositions. It next develops a researchstrategy for evaluating these propositions in an appropriatemanner. Finally, the paper tests the propositions. The resultscast considerable doubt on the conventional wisdom and leadto the conclusion that the use of political drama is not anall-purpose strategy guaranteed to halt declines or replenishsizable losses of presidential approval.     

The impact of unions on job satisfaction,organizational commitment,and turnover

Conclusion The research on the exit-voice hypothesis, both in the United States and abroad, shows convincingly that most of the variance in the negative union effect on job satisfaction can be accounted for by job quality, industrial relation climate, and wages. Union members see their jobs as less attractive than do nonunion workers in terms of skill requirements, task complexity, the amount of autonomy or discretion available, and opportunities for promotion. Union members also perceive the supervision they receive and the labor-management relations they experience as less satisfactory. They are, however, clearly better off with respect to wages, benefits, and pensions. But when it comes to job satisfaction, the economic advantages of union jobs are not sufficient to compensate for job content and work environment factors. It comes as no surprise to the job satisfaction researcher that job content — the nature of the tasks people are given to do — weighs heavily in overall job satisfaction scores. While there are individual differences in the degree to which people prefer intrinsically interesting jobs, there is ample empirical evidence showing that autonomy, skill variety, complexity, challenge, and advancement are important determinants of people's affective reactions to their jobs (Deci, 1975; Hackman and Oldham, 1980; Kanfer, 1990). The relative importance of job content factors to overall job satisfaction is also mirrored in the most commonly used measures of job satisfaction (Weiss et al., 1967).     

National and Local Attachments in a Changing World System: Evidence from an International Survey Revised version of a paper prepared for presentation in the Session on ‘Belongingness,Values and Territoriality’, Biennial Congress of the International Institute of Sociology,Cracow, Poland,July 2001.

Attachment to community is a central component of identities in the modern world, and community attachment can be expressed at different levels within national states. Most classical perspectives on modern societies have taken for granted that national states have long been the most important locus of citizen attachment and loyalty in the contemporary world system. More recently, many influential perspectives on globalization have suggested that national states are becoming less important, because of the rise of subnational units on the one hand, and supranational entities on the other. What is the relative importance of national, subnational, local, and supranational attachments in the contemporary world system? Is the structure of attitudes similar across national settings? What is the relative strength of attachment to the nation versus attachment to other levels of community? How willing are people to move to a different community to improve their economic condition? This exploratory paper will investigate these questions by examining the 1995 International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data on national identities in 24 countries.     

Support for aging policy: Self-interest, social justice, and political symbols

This article explores and evaluates theoretical assumptions implied by the familiar hypothesis that anti-elderly scapegoating rhetoric is producing attitude change with respect to citizen support for aging policy. An explanation—the self-interest model—that is consistent with both this hypothesis and existing attitude theory is presented. It is contrasted with a second hypothesis emphasizing the role played by symbolic political attitudes in the formation of citizen policy positions. Survey data from the state of Kansas indicate no support for either the self-interest explanation of aging policy attitudes or for the hypothesized impact of anti-elderly rhetoric.     

DEMOCRATIC INCUMBENTS AND THE 1984 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A CASE STUDY

This article examines the advantages a single Democratic incumbentutilized to win reelection in 1984 despite an overwhelming victoryby Ronald Reagan at the top of the ticket in the congressionaldistrict. The incumbent won reelection because of two typesof ticket splitting: Republican-inclined voters who voted forRepublican candidates for president and U.S. Senate and splitto vote for the Democratic incumbent for Congress, and Democraticvoters who supported Democratic candidates for U.S. Senate andCongress but split to vote for Ronald Reagan for president.Ticket splitting was found to be associated with basic politicalorientation—weak Republican and independent voters splitin favor of the Democratic incumbent and were far less likelyto vote a straight ticket for either party. Support for theDemocratic incumbent was explained in nonideological terms andwas based upon high recognition and favorability, constituentservice, voting record, and personal familiarity. For the Republicanchallenger, who never achieved a high level of recognition (despitesignificant campaign expenditure), support came almost solelyfrom the most partisan Republican members of the electorateand was based simply upon the party affiliation of the Republicanchallenger.     

Technology and labor relations in the construction industry

Conclusions It is clear that a great array of new job titles and a profusion of semiskilled categories of construction work have developed which were not represented by unions when unions established the labor structure that dominated the industry for many years. They have come about because technology has compressed skill requirements away from the extremes and towards the center: fewer craftsmen with highly refined, broadly based skills are needed, but more who have limited or specialized skills are needed, and more who can apply some lesser degree of skill than either, but enough to be able to follow their leads, are also needed. At the same time, there is less need for lift-and-carry work unassisted by mechanical advantage, so there is decreased demand for laborers in the old sense—workers who were allowed to use the tools of no trade.     

Emerging Networks of Organized Urban Poor: Restructuring the Engagement with Government Toward the Inclusion of the Excluded

Aim of this article is to address the issue of citizen participation and democratic engagement within a specific area—slum upgrading—presenting and theoretically discussing the approach of an international network called Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI), which represents member federations of urban poor and homeless groups from about 30 countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The article addresses the model of intervention embraced by the network, the activities carried out, its philosophy, etc., mainly focusing on the way it envisions and pursues the engagement of local governments in upgrading slum dwellers living conditions. The basic idea within SDI is that the lack of participation by the urban poor has historically been one of the major obstacles to achieve real development: either the government or the donors’ agencies, in fact, usually treat the poor as beneficiaries of someone else’s actions, thus undervaluing their knowledge and skills. Radically opposing this view, SDI interprets its role not as an intermediary agency of slum dwellers in the engagement/negotiation with local governments but rather as an “enabling tool” of direct negotiation between the urban poor and the public institutions. SDI’s most relevant feature, in fact, is surely the genuine leading role assigned to the slum dwellers grassroots organizations.     

Family structure, time constraints, and sport participation

Recent research emphasizes the importance of economic factors on sport participation. We extend this by examining the role played by time constraints and family structure in survey data from Rheinberg, Germany. Based on empirical models that account for the two-part decision—the decision to participate and the decision about how long to participate—involved, we find that time constraints in the form of time spent caring for children and relatives and family structure in the form of the presence of children reduce both the likelihood that individuals participate and the time spent taking part in sports.     

Climate Change,the Quadrilemma of Globalization,and Other Politically Incorrect Reactions

Abstract

Current global climate change negotiations face some contradictions that are not always addressed as they are considered politically incorrect. These include, first, the decoupling of commitments for planetary environmental policies with the actual national strategies. A relevant example is the Bolivian administration, which presents a strong rhetoric for biospheric Mother Earth Rights, but its national development strategies generate more environmental impacts and weaken enforcement at the local level. Second, the core ideas and beliefs that explain development varieties that generate climate change are deeply rooted, so changes in political ideologies, either from traditional ‘left’ or ‘right’, do not determine policies to effectively overcome climate change. Third, accumulation of scientific information is not enough to promote the necessary changes, because these deep roots conditioned perceived and acceptable alternatives. Fourth, this lead to tensions among the pursuit of economic financial globalization, the sovereignty of the nations-states, democracy, and the basement of global environmental conservation. This is a quadrilemma, because if one or two of these objectives are pursued, at least one other is violated. Nevertheless, international negotiations rest on wishful thinking that this is possible. Uncovering these contradictions is politically incorrect for many realms.     

Election of vice-president and adding new members to representative bodies

 In Tanguiane (1991, 1993, 1994) we have introduced quantitative indicators of representativeness, with which we have estimated the capacity of individuals and limited groups to represent a collective preference. We have studied three forms of representation: (a) single representative (president); (b) cabinet which consists of representatives personally responsible for certain domains of competence (government); and (c) council which makes collective decisions by means by voting (parliament). In this paper we examine the appointment of president and vice-president. In our model it corresponds to the appointment of a cabinet with two members. We show that it may be impossible to make an optimal appointment successively, finding first the most representative president, and matching the vice-president afterwards. The only way which guarantees their optimal appointment, is choosing them together as a team. We prove, however, that successively chosen president and vice-president, as a cabinet with two members, have the indicators of representativeness greater than or equal to 75% of their maximal value. Besides we investigate a recursive construction of cabinets and councils by optimally adding new members one by one. We prove that the indicators of representativeness of such a recursively constructed cabinet with k members are greater or equal to (1–2^-k) ⋅ 100% of their maximal value. This estimate has the same exponent as that for the optimal cabinets, meaning that such a recursive construction provides, if not optimal, still rather good results. The recursive construction of representative councils is restricted to particular cases, so that an optimal council should be chosen simultaneously. In conclusion we discuss the applicability of the results obtained to real politics. Received: 27 December 1994/Accepted: 15 November 1995     

Racism, Rational Choice, and White Opposition to Racial Change: A Case Study of Busing

Despite significant declines in traditional prejudice, whiteresistance to desegregation and affirmative action has led someto argue that a new symbolic racism has emerged as the principalimpediment to racial change in America. Studies of oppositionto busing, however, suggest a nonracial or rational choice explanation;whites oppose busing because it is believed to have too manycosts and not enough benefits. Using data from a medium-sizedmidwestem city, this study estimates a multiple indicator modelfor the effects of traditional prejudice, symbolic racism, andrational choice on four types of opposition to busing—attitudestoward two-way busing, one-way busing, protest, and white flight.Traditional prejudice and symbolic racism are found to be partiallyindependent dimensions whose effects on busing opposition areentirely mediated by certain expected costs of busing. Thus,the findings support both racism and rational choice explanations.There is, however, no support for the notion that symbolic racismis a more important source of opposition to racial change thanis traditional prejudice.     

Examining Variance in Presidential Approval: The Case of FDR in World War II

Despite the substantive growth and increasing methodologicalsophistication of the presidential approval literature overthe last four decades, almost all analyses continue to focusexclusively on the mean of the approval distribution—thepercentage of Americans who approve of the president at a givenmoment. However, changes in the variance of popular supportfor the president may be as politically and substantively importantas shifts in the mean. To illustrate how a focus on variancecan enrich our understanding of changes in the president’spublic standing, this analysis examines the effects of the economyand World War II on the variance in popular support for FranklinD. Roosevelt. At the aggregate level, the study shows that highpeacetime unemployment and mounting casualties increased thevolatility of FDR’s standing among federal relief recipients,erstwhile his most consistent base of support. At the individuallevel, the analysis demonstrates that individuals with conflictingpartisan, economic, and war-related considerations for evaluatingthe president were more variable in their approval of Rooseveltthan were other respondents. Exporting a similar focus on varianceto other lines of research across the public opinion subfieldcould produce a richer understanding of the complex processesdriving opinion change over time.     

PLURALISTIC IGNORANCE AND WHITE ESTIMATES OF WHITE SUPPORT FOR RACIAL SEGREGATION

This article presents data, taken from a secondary analysisof a national survey, indicating that in 1968 most white Americanadults grossly exaggerated the support among other whites forracial segregation. Several correlates of this pattern of pluralisticignorance—the extent to which the respondents led segregatedlives, their racial attitudes, and their racial values—areexamined. Finally, the relationship between this form of pluralisticignorance and the willingness of these white respondents toendorse racially restricted housing is discussed.     

The different meanings of corruption in the context of the Teamsters Union

Conclusion  TDU’s poor showing in the conventions misrepresented the attitudes of the union’s membership. This fact became clear after the government reached a court-monitored settlement to its RICO suit of the union. The settlement changed the political dynamics within the union, most importantly by providing for the direct election of national leadership. The new rules, combined with a factional split among the incumbents, allowed an insurgent slate, supported by TDU, to win the election in 1991. With a plurality of the membership’s votes, Ron Carey, a self-proclaimed reformer, became president of the union. I thank Bruce Kaufman, John Remington, Catherine Rios, Leah Vosko, Clifford Doerksen, and Robert Gregg for their help in reading this work and their many useful comments and suggestions.     

Foundations in periods of political and economic uncertainty: The Latin American link and the Argentine case

Foundations — or proto-foundations — that had their roots in the western world in the Greek and Roman civilisations later found their way into ancient Spanish law. The early historical inheritance was transferred by Spain and Portugal to Latin America. Those first foundations were dedicated to a few activities in the areas of health, education and community services. In this article I briefly follow the transition from the traditional foundations to the contemporary one with their wider scope of activities. There is an attempt to follow the correspondence that may exist for the Argentine case between these foundations and extant theories that attempt to explain their role in a wider societal and economic context to conclude that the evidence is still limited for the various failure approaches discussed in the literature. Alternatively, we suggest that the retrenchment of the welfare state should be considered one of the factors that lead to the increase in the number of foundations and the diversification of their activities. The analysis incorporates the issue of discontinuities and crisis, and the strategies followed by different types of foundations under authoritarian rule and periods of high inflation. Surprisingly, during those periods the foundations continued to increase in numbers. I suggest that an adequate explanation for the dynamics of those foundations requires a socio-political approach complemented with the analysis of some economic factors.     

Visual sociology and sociological vision,revisited

Visual sociology has two main interests: picture-making by researchers (or their subjects) in the course of sociological fieldwork, and pictures made by social actors in the context of everyday life. Focusing on the latter interest and based in three social aspects of images—that they are produced in general societal settings and specific institutional settings, and are a kind of discursive practice—three approaches to the sociology of visual material are illustrated.     

The making and unmaking of a “transborder nation”: South Korea during and after the Cold War

The burgeoning literature on transborder membership, largely focused on the thickening relationship between emigration states in the South and the postwar labor migrant populations and their descendants in North America or Western Europe, has not paid due attention to the long-term macroregional transformations that shape transborder national membership politics or to the bureaucratic practices of the state that undergird transborder claims-making. By comparing contentious transborder national membership politics in South Korea during the Cold War and Post-Cold War eras, this article seeks to overcome these limitations. In both periods, the membership status of colonial-era ethnic Korean migrants in Japan and northeast China and their descendants was the focus of contestation. The distinctiveness of the case—involving both a sustained period of colonial rule and a period of belated and divided nation-state building interwoven with the Cold War—highlights the crucial importance of three factors: (1) the dynamically evolving macro-regional context, which has shaped transborder national membership politics in the region in distinctive ways; (2) the essentially political, performative, and constitutive nature of transborder nation-building; and (3) the role of state registration and documentation practices in shaping the contours of transborder national membership politics in the long run. By incorporating Korea—and East Asia more broadly—into the comparative study of transborder nation-building, this article also lays the groundwork for future cross-regional comparative historical studies.

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Employment growth in the temporary help supply industry

During the 1980s, a significant increase occurred in the employment of temporary workers — employees hired for a specific task and for a limited duration — because of changing economic conditions that raised both the demand for and supply of temporary workers. Using time-series data, we investigate the factors that influenced temporary employment growth by analyzing the expansion in the temporary help supply (THS) industry. On the demand side, increasing aggregate output and heightened foreign competition were the most important factors that encouraged firms to hire temporary workers. On the supply side, increasing participation of certain demographic groups, notably married women, shifted the supply curve of temporary workers outward. We thank Nathan Balke, Bonnie Fisher, and Jeff Mills for helpful comments.