音乐 舞蹈 欢乐 运动 西海岸的夏日狂欢

从5月到10月,中国大学生沙滩排球锦标赛、"金凤凰"奖颁奖典礼、青岛国际蓝莓节、国际啤酒嘉年华、青岛灵山湾拉网节、飞翔嘉年华、黄山板栗采摘节、唐岛湾市民消夏节、海鲜美食节等节庆活动接踵而至,踏入夏季的西海岸成为快乐的天堂。这段时间的西海岸随处可见各地、各国星范儿们穿梭于这片美丽的城区之中,他们不远千里同指一个明确的方向青岛西海岸,来这里欢聚过节。     

明哲方丈:精心擘划湛山寺的未来

建制只有百年的青岛,以其宽广的胸怀包容了多种宗教和文化。从西方的基督教、天主教,到中国传统的佛教和道教,都在青岛的历史中留下深深的印记……至今,西部老城区的上空还飘荡着教堂的钟声,城市之东的海上名山第一崂山是中国的道教名山,而掩映在群山翠绿之中的湛山寺,则用它的暮鼓晨钟诉说着岁月的匆匆。     

效圣寺与松树羊

效圣寺位于岫岩城南22公里杨家堡镇松树秧村卧鹿山羊角峰下,俗称"老古庙",是辽宁省现存惟一大型石构古代庙宇。整个石庙建筑可谓"石庙房、石佛像、石钟楼、石围墙",令人叹为观止。相传,效圣寺始建于唐,正殿三间,除门窗外,其余全部由石料雕制,卯榫插接而成。室内石柱四根,高2.6米,粗1.1米。石庙东西     

FAIR DIVISION OF INDIVISIBLE ITEMS

This paper analyzes criteria of fair division of a set of indivisible items among people whose revealed preferences are limited to rankings of the items and for whom no side payments are allowed. The criteria include refinements of Pareto optimality and envy-freeness as well as dominance-freeness, evenness of shares, and two criteria based on equally-spaced surrogate utilities, referred to as maxsum and equimax. Maxsum maximizes a measure of aggregate utility or welfare, whereas equimax lexicographically maximizes persons' utilities from smallest to largest. The paper analyzes conflicts among the criteria along with possibilities and pitfalls of achieving fair division in a variety of circumstances.     

那寺那狗那温泉

辽海之地多温泉,其中最有历史、最有名气者当属称为“狗儿汤”的本溪温泉寺。它深藏在长白山西缘的太子河边,群山环抱,雾绕云蒸,早年只有通过太子河航运才能与外界沟通。     

龙门寺下双龙斗 汤河冷热两泉涌

你知道汤河的温泉和冷泉为什么竟在一个地方吗?冷泉和热泉同时出现在仅仅不到一平方公里范围内的情况是其它地区没有的现象。原来这里有段传奇的故事。相传很久以前,也不知几经地老天荒,一天,因龙王三太子     

WHO'S NOT PAYING THEIR FAIR SHARE: PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS OF THE AUSTRALIAN TAX SYSTEM

Data from the Community Hopes, Fears and Actions Survey are used to examine how pervasive the view is that the more privileged in society are failing to pay their fair share of tax, to understand the beliefs that underpin such perceptions, and the reforms that are needed to open dialogue with the Australian public about the issue. Support is found for five hypotheses. Economic self‐interest provides a partial explanation for perceptions of vertical inequity, but more important are disillusionment with the Australian democracy and perceptions of insufficient procedural justice from the tax office. Values about how Australian society should develop also play a part. Those looking for a more equal, caring and compassionate Australia perceive there to be a high level of vertical inequity. Such perceptions are not shared by those aspiring to an Australia that pursues competitive advantage either economically or politically. Tax authorities are brokers for social order and harmony in democracies. They can not determine the policies that are supposed to deliver these goals, nor the rules by which individuals are expected to contribute to the government coffers. But they carry responsibility for making it all happen — collecting taxes and providing government with revenue. As such, their integrity is pivotal to smooth democratic functioning. Integrity for a tax authority involves having purposeful and sound goals, appropriate and ethical procedures for pursuing such goals, and processes allowing reflection and evolution of their operation in response to the democratic will (Braithwaite 2003). This paper is a contribution to the process of reflection on how the tax system is working for its citizens. Its purpose is to investigate the extent to which the Australian community believes that their tax authority is pursuing one of its goals, collecting revenue, in a sound and purposeful way. Three questions are addressed: (a) Are different social groups in our society paying their fair share of tax? (b) What are the experiences and aspirations lying behind public perceptions that some groups do not pay their fair share? and (c) Do perceptions of fairness shape the direction in which Australians want to see tax reform progress?