Policy transfer from the UN to ASEAN: the case of trafficking in persons

This article examines the policy transfer from the United Nations (UN) to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the case of trafficking in persons (TIP). It presents pioneering empirical research that analyzes the processes and mechanisms of policy transfer between the UN and a regional organization. Institutional collective action and regime complex theories in international relations are used to complement the existing state-centric policy transfer framework. We argue that the UN-ASEAN policy transfer in TIP is characterized by a two-step process, starting with transfer from the UN to the ASEAN member states, followed by synthesis at the regional level. The consensus-based decision-making approach in ASEAN restricts transfer outcomes to a common low base of national preferences, which is the lowest common denominator. The ability of stakeholders in the TIP field to steer lesson drawing, emulation and coercive transfer at both the national and regional levels allows them to influence the lowest common denominator. At the same time, policy transfer to ASEAN is shaped by “forum-shopping” by the ASEAN member states and other stakeholders within the TIP regime complex, based on the comparative advantage between ASEAN and other cooperation mechanisms in solving TIP-related issues.     

The Potential for Reducing Mortality in Russia

This article attempts to assess current national and regional reserves for reducing the mortality rate in Russia. It explores the potential to reduce the mortality rate in comparison to comparable international benchmarks in rates of growth and gains in life expectancy at birth, identifies a range of circumstances that have an adverse impact on the population’s health in post-Soviet Russia, and shows that the main reserve for reducing mortality remains the “lost health capital” that preceded the collapse of the Soviet Union and continued in the 1990s. Finally, it assesses the current regional potential for lowering the mortality rate, which is “hidden” in differences between regions leading in life expectancy (with the exception of extremes) and the country’s remaining territories. The conclusion presents data revealing the life expectancy of men and women.     

Knowledge Variables in Cross‐National Social Inquiry*

Objectives. This article examines the impact of “don't know” responses on cross‐national measures of knowledge regarding science and the environment. Specifically, we explore cross‐national variance in aggregate knowledge levels and the gender gap in knowledge in each of 20 nations to determine whether response‐set effects contribute to observed variance. Methods. Analyses focus on a 12‐item true‐false knowledge battery asked as part of a 1993 International Social Survey Program environmental survey. Whereas most research on knowledge codes incorrect and “don't know” responses identically, we differentiate these response forms and develop procedures to identify and account for systematic differences in the tendency to guess. Results. Substantial cross‐national variance in guessing rates is identified, variance that contributes markedly to variance in observed “knowledge” levels. Also, men are found to guess at higher rates than women, a tendency that exaggerates the magnitude of the observed gender gap in knowledge. Conclusions. Recent research has suggested that “don't know” responses pose threats to the validity of inferences derived from measures of political knowledge in the United States. Our results indicate that a similar risk exists with cross‐national measures of knowledge of science and the environment. It follows that considerable caution must be exercised when comparing data drawn from different nations and cultures.     

International Nongovernmental Organizations and Deforestation: Good,Bad, or Irrelevant?*

Objective. This research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the “contested” role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems. Methods. I use cross‐national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment. Results. The main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy. Conclusions. This research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation.     

论地方政府在泛北部湾区域合作中的职能作用

泛北部湾区域合作,最起码要分别经过中国—东盟高官会议、中国—东盟经济部长会议和中国—东盟外长会议讨论通过,才能形成共同决议或者联合声明。在此国家层面的合作尚未启动的情况下,广西各级政府如何利用自身地沿等优势,抢占先机,积极开展与泛北部湾国家的省、市级的务实性合作,激发相互间经济合作的欲望,通过省、市级之间的合作关系向各国中央政府递进,最终实现国家层面的合作。     

A new challenge to economic science: Global model simulation

The FUGI (Futures of Global Interdependence) global modeling system has been developed as a scientific policy modeling and future simulation tool of providing global information to the human society and finding out possibilities of policy co-ordination among countries in order to achieve sustainable development of the global economy co-existing on the planet Earth in the ever changing universe. The FUGI global model M200 classifies the world into 200 countries/regions where each national/regional model is globally interdependent. Each national/regional model has nine subsystems as population, foods, energy, environment, economic development, peace and security, human right, healthcare and quality of life (IT revolution). This is a super complex dynamic system model using integrated multidisciplinary systems analysis where number of structural equations is over 170,000. Economic model as a core includes major economic variables such as production of GDP, employment, expenditures of GDP, income distribution, prices, money, interest rates and financial assets, government finance, international balance of payments, international finance, foreign exchange rates and development indicators.The purpose of this article is twofold, namely to provide information on a new frontier science of economics: global model simulation as well as appropriate policy exercise for sustainable development of the interdependent global economy. The world economy is facing “green” energy revolution to change from fossil to create alternative energy and energy saving technology against sky rocketing higher oil prices. Japan takes a lead in this field of technology innovation. Under such circumstances, Japan should take an initiative to create a new peaceful world through not only harmonized adjustments of Japanese economic policy but also wise cosmic mind to promote human solidarity with the ever changing nature will be desirable to adjust orbit of the fluctuated global economy. Japan should challenge for a new strategy to accelerate economic growth rates by “CO₂ reducing environment investment” based on technology innovations.     

Limited relevance of the right not to know--reflections on a screening study

The right not to know personal health-related information has been included in prominent human rights documents and subsequently in national legislation since the middle of the 1990s. Apart from situations where another life is at stake, the right not to know has in these documents been formulated as if it should have precedence over other interests. This article argues against giving the right not to know such a prominent position. It does so by questioning the ethical relevance of the concept for both theoretical and empirical reasons. The main focus of the article is on empirical data from a prospective population screeningfor Type I diabetes. Data indicate that research participants are not as autonomous as is generally assumed by the defenders of the right not to know.     

Ideological Expectations for Value Consensus in Chinese Society

Surveys have shown that popular ideology has tended to move from pluralism to clustering around dualism at this sensitive and critical moment for the formation of value consensus in contemporary China. The formation of a “value consensus” or “common values” must answer three questions: “What is ‘common’ about this consensus?” How can ‘consensus’ be reached?” “How can ‘values’ be legitimated?” On the basis of survey information, this paper presents the basic argument that what is common lies in ethics; consensus in spirit; and value legitimacy in our national cultural home. Ordinary people have three major ideological expectations of value consensus in contemporary China: expectation of ethical enlightenment with the theme of turning “I” into “we”; expectation of a spiritual baptism with the value “unity of the individual and the universal” and expectation of the endeavor to “return home.” Specifically, their content is as follows: to protect ethical existence and undertake the re- enlightenment of ethical consciousness at the national, family and group levels; to sublate “atomistic exploration” of the theory and mode of rationalistic ethics and carry out the “spiritual’ construction of the three great ethical entities of society, state and family; and to “go back home” to national cultural traditions and ethics and build value legitimacy. These three major expectations can be condensed into three ideas: protecting ethics, reviving “spirit” and going back “home.”     

A Sledgehammer to Crack a Nut: Deportation, Detention and Dispersal in Europe

Since the increase in the numbers of asylum‐seekers arriving in Europe in the early 1990s, European countries of asylum have been implementing new and increased controls over entry and making conditions more difficult for asylum‐seekers while they are waiting for a decision on their case. This paper explores the ways in which four European asylum regimes use the deportation, detention and dispersal of asylum‐seekers in an attempt to control and exclude them from national societies and territories. Germany, France, Italy and the UK have different migration histories and have introduced different asylum policies at different times; but all have in common the increasingly draconian response to asylum‐seekers since the 1990s. The paper looks at the stated rationale for introducing and extending dispersal, deportation and detention. EU governments have introduced these measures, arguing that they will deter “fraudulent” asylum claims. While the number of claims has fallen in the last five years to the lowest level since 1988, there is no evidence that this is due to such policies. It is clear, however, that these policies penalize all asylum‐seekers, breach their human rights, damage the receiving societies as a whole, and as such should be abandoned.     

Relationalism through Social Robotics

Social robotics is a rapidly developing industry‐oriented area of research, intent on making robots in social roles commonplace in the near future. This has led to rising interest in the dynamics as well as ethics of human‐robot relationships, described here as a nascent relational turn. A contrast is drawn with the 1990s’ paradigm shift associated with relational‐self themes in social psychology. Constructions of the human‐robot relationship reproduce the “I‐You‐Me” dominant model of theorising about the self with biases that (as in social constructionism) consistently accentuate externalist or “interactionist” standpoints as opposed to internalist or “individualistic”. Perspectives classifiable as “ecological relationalism” may compensate for limitations of interactionist‐individualistic dimension. Implications for theorising subjectivity are considered.     

Social Inequality under a New Social Contract: Long-term Care in Japan

The 1990s saw the beginning of new developments in the social policy agenda of Japan. A combination of further cuts in social expenditure and increases in financial resources through various means has become inevitable in response to the increasing cost burden of an ageing society, the prolonged recession and changes in the Japanese family. In this context, “kaigo hoken” (long‐term care insurance) was introduced in 2000 to increase revenue and fill the gap vacated by the family. The scheme introduced a different concept to the public: that long‐term care was no longer “expected’’ from the family or “allocated” by the state, but has become part of a “social contract” based upon a system of mandatory contributions, uniform entitlements and consumer choice. This paper first explores the role of the new scheme in creating social inequalities among individuals (and families). A panel survey is used to highlight different patterns of care provision and the varying degree of financial pressure among different income groups. Second, based on qualitative research, the paper examines how the new scheme has transformed the relationship between older people and their families who have played a central role in this arena. The scheme has consequently divided “traditional” families and their liberal counterparts, as a result of care work being “commodified”. It is apparent that this scheme has not only responded to fill the existing care gap but may also help accelerate the changes that have been taking place for the last two decades.     

A personality traits study of sports information directors at ‘big’ vs. ‘small’ programs in the East

This 1996 infra-public relations personality traits investigation within the little known public relations employment area of Sports Information Directors (SIDs) draws on the national SID benchmark study by McCleneghan (1995) and the socio-metric instrument work of McCroskey and Richmond (1993, 1990, 1987, and 1982). SIDs employed at universities in New York, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Maryland completed four “personality traits” instruments to study what differences might exist between those SIDs practicing at Division I intercollegiate athletic programs vs. others employed at Division I-AA, II, III, and NAIA. This infra-public relations study of the underreported SID profession presents a personality traits profile of SIDs employed at “big” vs. “small” athletic programs in the East.     

The Impact of Gaming on the Indian Nations in New Mexico*

Objective. This study examines the economic and social impact of Indian gaming on the residents of the 22 pueblos and tribes in New Mexico. Method. We employ a naturally occurring quasi‐experimental design that classifies each of the Indian Nations into one of two groups, gaming and nongaming, depending on the continuous operation of a “Las Vegas” style casino for multiple years in the 1990s. For these two groups we compare aggregate, primarily U.S. Census, data spanning 25 indicators in both 1990 and 2000. Results. Although improvements were evident for both groups, nine of the 12 economic measures and six of the 13 social measures revealed a growing disparity favoring gaming nations during the 1990s, while six other measures suggested declining but continuing differences. These findings persisted in light of controls for population and urbanization, though many of the economic differences disappeared for the rural nations. Conclusion. Gaming has had a positive economic and social impact on the gaming pueblos and tribes in New Mexico, especially for the more urbanized nations. The gaming nations are enjoying higher incomes, lower levels of poverty, and improvements in selected social areas compared to those nations opting not to pursue casino gaming in the 1990s.     

美国北极战略的新动向及其影响

2013年是美国政府实施北极战略力度最大的一年,这是白宫和五角大楼日益认识到其在北极事务上严重落后于其他北极国家而做出的补救措施。对于北极这个充满希望的"新边疆",奥巴马政府将推行"向北看"外交,在北极投入更多的精力和资源,以争取东北、西北航道的自由航行权和北极事务的主导权。尽管美国步入战略收缩期,其北极新战略的落实还将面临诸多障碍,但美国这一新变化必将给北极地缘政治、经济乃至地区治理产生重大影响,这值得我们去分析和预判。     

Occupational differences and the division of labor in political party activities

Robert Dahl (1961) clearly identifies a division of labor within political associations that allows the organization to perform its functions in a “reliable” and “skillful” manner. According to Dahl, the division of labor is facilitated by an occupational based recruitment of party “leaders” and “subleaders”. This article examines such a division of labor in political parties activities at both the grassroots and convention levels. We find strong evidence for a division of labor in party activities at both levels. However, our findings provide only tenuous evidence for occupation based differences among those participating in these two distinct types of party activities.     

Querulous Citizens: Welfare Knowledge and the Limits to Welfare Reform

Governments face pressures to improve services and (at the same time) to contain taxes and to ensure that their decisions are accountable to increasingly well‐informed and challenging citizens. The dilemma of “squaring the welfare circle” confronts New Labour in a particularly acute form, since the party has set ambitious targets for improvements in the NHS, education and elsewhere, and is also committed to economic prudence and transparency. This article uses new data from a major national survey to investigate knowledge and beliefs in the main policy areas. It shows that most people are generally strikingly well‐informed in some areas and ill‐informed in others. A government which wishes to pursue a progressive direction in redistribution, increasing taxation of the better‐off, or expanding provision for those on low incomes, faces real difficulties because many people hold inaccurate beliefs about policy impact and the policy context in these areas. However, NHS costs are more accurately perceived across the population, and the proposed expansion is likely to create less controversy. Current high‐profile policies appear to follow the contours of public knowledge reasonably accurately, but further policy development will require positive efforts to lead debates and improve public knowledge.     

Aiming to keep poor Mexican families at the breadline (but no higher): The effects of minimum wage,tax, and social policy changes between 1994 and 2012

Welfare policy in Mexico has been transformed in recent decades. During the years of the import‐substitution industrialization economic strategy and the hegemonic party political regime, social policy was based on social insurance programs of limited coverage to urban formal sector workers and their families. In the mid‐1990s, an unprecedented expansion of social protection through social assistance programs was triggered, along with social insurance reform. This article assesses the effects at the household level of social policy changes, in combination with changes in taxes and the minimum wage, which also impact the welfare of the population. The research applies “model families” to establish effects of social, tax, and minimum wage policy changes across population groups, and their combined potential to combat poverty. Findings show that although taxation and social policy changes increased redistribution towards poor families, their capacity to lift and keep them above poverty thresholds was limited by the drop in the real value of the minimum wage and by strict targeting mechanisms, which exclude families that do not meet eligibility criteria but still fall below poverty lines. Social policy expansion merely subsidized the drop in real minimum wage, and poor families at best remained at similar income levels. Hence, the logic of the design of welfare policy changes can be characterized as aiming to keep poor families on the breadline, but no higher.     

Institutional rules for framing healthcare policy issues in national,financial, and specialized newspapers

By considering the role of institutional rules for news making, this study examines news frames embedded in 1162 stories from national, financial, and specialized newspapers with respect to four healthcare policy issues: “the decrease in pharmaceutical prices,” “the comprehensive medical payment system,” “swine flu,” and “humidifier-related lung disease.” Conflict, economy, crisis, and policy execution are dominant frames in stories about the policy issues, and these four frames are also major frames used by the newspapers. This phenomenon is understood as “concentration of healthcare frames.” We conducted in-depth interviews with 19 news reporters to identify institutional rules that might influence the formation of news frames. In-depth interviews revealed that similar types of frames resulted from institutional rules (e.g., journalist’s autonomy, news value, newspaper’s mission statement, and characteristics of readers). The findings suggest that health journalists follow institutional rules that govern the creation of news frames. To provide diverse perspectives on healthcare policy issues, newspapers need to reconsider their institutional rules.     

Models of supranational policymaking and the reform of the EMU

Under what conditions do sovereign governments agree to create a common policy institution? And what model of supranational policymaking may be preferable? To answer these questions, we introduce a policy game of two interdependent countries with reciprocal negative externalities created by shocks to a socially relevant variable. Depending on national preferences over policy options and their outcomes, both countries incur welfare losses if governments pursue non-cooperative policy choices. Then we examine what kind of supranational policy regimes may be endorsed by both governments according to the Pareto criterion. Two regimes are “technocratic” (they do not take national preferences into account), two are “political” (they do). One political regime that we call “union” aggregates the national preferences additively. The thrust of our analysis is that the technocratic regimes are dominated by non-cooperation, so that the single alternative is between the union and non-cooperation. Yet an important point is that the union is the Pareto-dominant regime only within a limited range of asymmetry between countries’ preferences. This result has notable implications for the debate on the reform of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) facing the challenge of further integration of member countries. Application to the EMU case is assisted by numerical simulations based on empirical parameters drawn from qualified external sources, which show that aymmetries in national attitudes towards policies that “Europe wants” may jeopardize the creation of a union in alternative to non-cooperation.     

芝加哥舞女、中国洗衣工与北平囚犯:都市中的陌生人

本文指出，受齐美尔“陌生人”命题启发的“边缘人”概念，体现了形式社会学与美国实用主义在芝加哥学派理论中的交融，并催生了以考察个体生命史为核心的研究方法。通过比较二十世纪初芝加哥学派的学者运用生命史的视角对三类都市陌生人（芝加哥舞女、中国洗衣工与北平囚犯）的研究，本文考察不同人群的新旧历程及其进入都市新生活的不同状态。研究发现，无论是身处异国的中国洗衣工，还是背井离乡进入城市生活并沦为罪犯的中国农民，都不能以“边缘人”抛弃乡土与家族的个体化方式进入都市生活。文章最后尝试以帕克对“文明”的讨论来解释现代个体进入都市生活时呈现的不同状态。