新疆维吾尔族农民的人口流动

作者通过对新疆维吾尔族农民人口流动这一问题多方面的详细考察,分析了他们的流动原因、社区外流动的诸多障碍因素、社区内流动的种种弊端。作者建议：政府应就由此而引发的当地交通、教育、产业结构、民族素质等问题作出相应对策     

农民流动对民族婚姻的影响

<正> 婚姻是男女双方以永久生活为目的并以保障夫妻双方的权利和义务为全部内容的结合。人类的婚姻形式并不是永恒不变的,它在不同历史时期具有不同的表现。大多数人认为促使民族婚姻形式变化的因素只是社会生产方式的变化。从理论渊源和终极原因来讲,这是千真万确的观点。但我们在这里要讨论的不是造成民族婚姻形式变化的理论     

加拿大土著人口的特点及生存状态

近十年来,加拿大土著人口承接了上世纪下半叶以来的态势,持续高速增长,并不断从传统的保留地向非保留地、从乡村向城市转移。从整体上看,土著人口在就业、收入、教育水平以及生活质量等方面均远远落后于非土著人口,其民族文化也面临日渐衰退的严峻局面。本文根据加拿大统计局 1996年、2001年人口普查资料数据和中外学者的相关研究文献,探讨了当前加拿大土著人口发展的特点及其生存状态。     

农民区际流动所弓起的家庭教育问题及其消解

近些年来,随着工业化、城市化的进程日益加快和市场对劳动力资源合理配置的要求,出现了大规模的农民流动。据2001年有关数据,全国所有大、中、小城市中,没有城市户口的居民不少于8000万。从根本上说,农民的区际流动源于社会生产力发展的不平衡。由于城乡差距的拉大,导致大量农民向经济条件好的城市地区流动。这些流动人口既是社会治安的薄弱环节,也是青少年健康教育的薄弱环节。其特殊性给子女的家庭教育带来了一些特殊的问题。本文将对这一部分群体子女的家庭教育问题进行分析,并探析其消解的措施。一、区际流动引起的家庭教育问题从狭义上…     

诗意的生存--侗族审美生存特征初探

运用生态美学的理论为指导,对侗族审美生存特征进行探讨.侗族审美生存的特征是以歌唱为乐生手段,以和谐共生为审美理想,以滑稽幽默为审美情趣.     

没有人身自由的自由劳动者——20世纪前半叶拉萨建筑手工业者生存状态研究

民主改革前(1959年),西藏手工业者,特别是与建筑业有关的手工业者,大部分集中在拉萨、日喀则、江孜等城镇,主要为寺院、西藏地方政府以及世俗贵族修建房屋。西藏手工业者并不是自由劳动者,而是与领主保持着人身依附关系从事手工业生产的农奴,他们同时又受到由地方政府建立的手工业行会的管理,为政府支应差役,属于政府的雇工。文章试图通过对拉萨建筑手工业者生存状态的初步研究,探寻20世纪前半叶西藏城市居民社会生活的点滴。     

在边缘中守望--从袁同凯著《走进竹篱教室》看弱势族群教育

<走进竹篱教室--土瑶学校教育的民族志研究>以真实给人以心灵的震撼,于是启示我们去探讨关于进行民族教育研究应持有的态度和方法,并通过思考弱势族群教育滞后的隐性症结,解析教育在对人发展影响过程中的关怀意识.呼吁从实际意义上关注在边缘中守望的弱势族群.     

文化农民生成的拉力和推力--文化农民系列研究之二

本文运用人口迁移的推拉理论,分析了文化农民生成的拉力和推力,认为在我国总体上已进入“以工促农、以城带乡”发展阶段的大背景下,文化农民生成的拉力在逐步加大,但在推力方面部分农户还表现出弱势,因此应针对这一情况制定出特殊的扶持规划,以促进其向“文化农民”的转变。     

多样性的谋生技术--客家族群生存策略研究之一

广东客家是一个非常能够适应环境的民系 ,这种适应性最根本的内容就是他们发明和利用了许多有效的谋生方式从而使自己存活下来 ;广东客家农民参与进两个不同的系统 ,首先他们与所在区域内的生物群 (包括人 )构成了一个生态系统 ;其次 ,他们与所在区域以外的地方的群体交换妇女和劳动 ,群体之间争取重新分配土地、人群重新分布 ,于是他们参与了一个地区系统。这两个系统不是互不相干的 ,各种有关的活动使它们结合在一起 ,而且调整了两个系统内部的关系和整体生物环境的关系。     

城市流动少数民族人口的社会保障权及其实现

大杂居、小聚居的民族分布特点,从宏观上决定我国是一个民族杂居的大家庭。目前少数民族已遍布全国98％以上的县市,特别是对于一些大中城市,其区位优势、较快的经济发展都对少数民族流动人口具有巨大的吸引力。然而当少数民族流动人口从西部边疆和中部山区进入城市之后,失业保险、医疗保险、工伤保险、社会福利、社会优抚等社会保障权利常常得不到实现。造成这种状况的原因是多方面的,但思想观念和体制上的因素不容忽视,本文在对这些原因进行分析的基础上,提出了促进城市流动少数民族人口社会保障权实现的构想。     

伊宁市民族居住格局和民族关系

本文以伊宁市民族居住格局为研究对象,通过对伊宁市建城沿革和维、汉、回、哈民族居住史的回顾及对伊宁市的民族居住格局及其变迁状况的调查研究,分析、探讨了影响伊宁市民族居住格局变迁的因素,并在此基础上来研究伊宁市的民族关系.     

边缘化的中国穆斯林族群研究

边缘化的中国穆斯林族群是指那些生活在蒙藏等民族地区的回族及蒙古族穆斯林 ,由于他们人口少 ,长期与该地区占绝对多数的主体民族生活在一起 ,他们之间相互通婚 ,在主体民族强势文化影响下 ,接受主体民族的语言、服饰及生活方式 ,但仍保持了伊斯兰教信仰。学术界一般称他们为藏回、蒙古回回、傣回、彝回等 ,这些边缘化的穆斯林生活方式及历史来源成为近年来学术界关注和讨论的热点 ,认识还不尽统一。笔者结合田野调查同时吸收其他学者的相关研究成果 ,提出了自己的看法 ,供大家参考     

三江源生态移民的生活状况与社会适应——以格尔木市长江源生态移民点为例

文章通过急促城市化过程中三江源生态移民生活状态和社会适应的分析,讨论了制度性急促城市化带给生态移民观念的影响与变迁.认为虽然两年多的城市化进程导致生态移民的"心理振荡"和"边际人格",但由于生态移民的社会流动与分化现象较少,职业分化与异质性不深,观念的理性化、世俗化进程较慢,生活方式的现代性、多元化特征尚未成型,移民的生活方式仍然有着浓郁的传统性特征,城市化进程尚处于初级状态.     

论藏传佛教活佛等级制度

格鲁派变成西藏的执政教派以后,主要受政治、宗教、经济等因素的影响,藏传佛教的活佛中出现了高与低的等级差异,而且某一活佛的等级高或低也会在一定条件下上升或下降,甚至出现转世资格被去除的变动.     

赣州客家聚居区的闽南人由来探究

基于对赣州地区闽南人村落的田野调查和闽南人的族谱等文献材料,探讨该地区闽南人的地理分布,分析了他们迁居赣州的原因与过程,认为迁居赣州的闽南人应该是历史上不同时期由于不同原因迁入的,其主体应当为明末清初时期闽广人迁徙江西的移民,而并非全都是郑成功旧部后裔。     

城市散居少数民族教育发展中的问题与对策--武汉市少数民族教育发展个案调研

本文对湖北省武汉市少数民族的发展进行了个案调查与研究,充分肯定了十一届三中全会以来武汉市少数民族教育发展所取得的成就.深入分析了武汉市民族教育发展中存在的问题,提出了加快城市散居少数民族教育发展的对策.     

中缅边境城镇缅甸籍人员生计方式与生活空间——基于云南瑞丽的调查

Against the background of good border trade policies and the prosperous economy of China, and in addition to the ethnic groups who have lived along the border for generations, a large number of Burmese nationals have entered the Sino-Burmese border area, seeking opportunities to work, trade and live. Among the population of for￣eigners living in China, Burmese nationals take fourth place. They are mainly distributed in the Si￣no-Burmese border areas. Based on an in-depth investigation of the Burmese nationals who have crossed the border and live in the Ruili National Development Experimental Zone, the paper points out the structural differences between those Bur￣mese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups and those who are cross-border migrants and who concentrate in and ethnic enclaves. It also specifies their different means of livelihood, living spaces and religious practices.
The survey shows that the Burmese nationals who belong to Cross-border Ethnic Groups can be traced back to the official border demarcation of the two countries in 1960 , when they migrated to towns and farms in Ruili, mainly through mar￣riage, and made their living by engaging in tradi￣tional agriculture, selling petty commodities, trading agricultural products, opening traditional restaurant/guest houses, offering tourism services or starting family handicraft workshops. They mainly speak their ethnic minority language, and are able to understand some Chinese. They are bound together by the same religious beliefs inside and outside of China. According to the investiga￣tion, since the marriage registration for Sino-Bur￣mese Border Area in 2006 , at the end of 2014 , there are 2331 registered transnational couples in Ruili City, all of whom are Burmese nationals who live along the border. Except for some Han People who married other ethnic peoples, the rest of the ethnic groups were endogamous. According to my field survey, which was confirmed by local woman cardees, the number of cross-border marriages in Ruili is actually much higher than this statistic. This is because, for a variety of reasons, a sub￣stantial number of couples did not go to the regis￣tration office.
As for the Burmese who are cross-border mi￣grants and who concentrate in ethnic enclaves, they are mostly Burman, Sino-Burmese, Burmese Indians and Burmese Pakistanis, and Arakanese. Since China’s 1992 policy to open the border, the Jiegao Bridge connecting China and Burma was built, and this group of people began to enter Chi￣na. In recent years, with the industrial transforma￣tion and development in the Ruili area, as well as the better social environment, more and more Bur￣mese nationals have crossed the border and settled down in Ruili, making a living by buying( or ren￣ting) houses, selling raw materials for jewelry and jade, processing Rosewood, and working as factory workers, construction workers, waiters and wait￣resses, and peddlers, etc. They mainly speak Bur￣mese ( Sino-Burmese are bilingual ) . Influenced and dominated by government policies, their choices of living areas are related to their ethnic i￣dentity, religious beliefs and economic power. The city of Ruili has undoubtedly left its mark.
In summary,although the “human migration”of a“Transnational class” under the background of globalization, including -immigrants, migrant la￣borers, and migrant businessmen, “Transnational social space” has been constructed in various meg￣alopolis like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, a more complicated means of livelihood and living space has been constructed by those Burmese nationals “who belong to Cross -border Ethnic Groups”, and those Burmese nationals who cross the border as migrants and live in ethnic en￣claves in the border cities and towns of Yunnan and Burma.     

人居空间与自然环境的和谐共生——西北少数民族聚落生态文化浅析

西北地区民族众多,文化多元。各少数民族在聚落选址、建筑材料利用、庭院布置、屋舍装饰等方面,注重因地制宜、因材致用,强调人群聚落与自然地貌、山水环境、植被状况的契合,积累了一整套善于利用可再生清洁能源的经验,形成了因循自然环境、有效利用自然资源的聚落生态文化,营造出人与自然和谐共生的人居环境机制。这些传统的聚落生态文化,对西北地区环境保护和可持续发展有着重要的现实意义。     

镜中之惑--论《世纪之邀》中扎西达娃的生存忧患

从莫洛亚、张军以及作者的相似的镜子理论入手,通过现实之镜向心理之镜的流变,展示出心理之镜的非现实化来自显示之镜的现实化的催生,从而奠定了生存困惑是来自于作家深感于现实社会的心理显现。     

Living in mobility: trajectories of Brazilians in Belgium and the UK

Within the social sciences, migration has traditionally been conceived of as a unidirectional, purposeful and intentional process from one state of fixity (in the place of origin) to another (in the destination). By mapping the trajectories of Brazilians who currently reside in Belgium or the UK, this article draws attention to a group of people whose mobile practices do not fit this definition. On the contrary, their experiences are marked by an ongoing mobility that consists of a multiplicity of potential routes, which are often unstable and which may be accompanied by changes in status. These Brazilians tend to ‘live in mobility’ in order to improve the quality of life at home. As such, leaving home becomes a strategy of staying home, which challenges what is usually evoked by the concept of ‘migration’, whereby ‘building up a new life elsewhere’ and ‘integration’ are seen as key. Whereas our respondents themselves have a more circular or mobile perspective, the receiving society discursively frames migration as one-way, and thus as a ‘threat’ that calls for social integration, control and the maintenance of national identity.