Class voting and class consciousness in Canada

Plusieurs hypotheses existent, qui tentent d'expliquer la faiblesse du vote de classe au Canada. Je tente ici de reformuler certaines de ces hypothPses, i partir de leurs postulats i1'6gard de la conscience de classe et de la formation de classe. Deux types d'explications sont identifies: celles, d'abord, qui soutiennent que le bas niveau de conscience de classe au Canada est la cause de I'absence de formation de classe; et celles pour qui l'inverse est vrai. Toutes les hypotheses considerees trouvent des donnees qui les supportent dans la ricente Etude electorale nationale. I1 est actuellement impossible de choisir entre elles, alors que les donnees disponibles ont une valeur limitee et que des problemes de niveaux d'analyse restent i resoudre. On devrait considerer les deux modes d'explication comme interactifs, et aussi vraisemblables l'un que l'autre.
Many hypotheses have been advanced to explain the low levels of class voting in Canada. This article reformulates a number of these in terms of their assumptions about class consciousness and class formation. Explanations are divided into those which hold the society's low level of class consciousness responsible for the lack of class formation, and those which propose the reverse. Evidence from recent National Elections Study data contains support for all of the hypotheses, and it is concluded that choosing between them is currently impossible because of data limitations and level-of-analysis problems. The two lines of argument should be regarded as interactive and equally plausible.     

Strengthening ethnic identity consciousness and the role of tactical voting in multi-racial Malaysia

Malaysia is often touted as an exemplar of a peaceful multiracial country, with the tensions in inter-ethnic relations engendered by the 13 May 1969 race riots overcome. However, three decades of steady economic growth coupled with the New Economic Policy have helped to strengthen consciousness of ethnic identity and social polarisation in society. This paper discusses how tactical voting in the mixed constituencies has helped the National Front to secure its two-thirds majority in parliament and maintain inter-ethnic calm.     

Class awareness and class voting in Canada: a reconsideration of the Ogmundson thesis

The argument that class voting in Canada would be noticeably higher if one of the two dominant parties were to offer the electorate a 'for-the-working-class' choice (1) does not explain the continuing minority status of the ndp, and (2) neglects to consider low working-class awareness and the absence of class-related opinions on economic issues. The present account argues that the two dominant parties fail to differentiate themselves in class terms because they are responding to the preferences of the modal Canadian voter.
La thése que I'habitude de vote déterminé par la classe au Canada serait plus forte d'une façon perceptible si I'un des deux partis dominants offrait aux électeurs un choix 'pour la classe ouvrière' ni explique pourquoi le pnd reste en minorité constante, ni considère la conscience faible de class ouvrière ou I'absence d'opinions fondées sur la classe quant aux questions d'économie. Dans cette étude on soutient que le défaut des deux parties dominants de se différencier en tant que classes constitue une adaptation rationnelle aux préférences de l'électeur canadien typique.     

Sophisticated voting rules: the case of two tournaments

A voting rule maps voter preferences into outcomes, and is called sophisticated if there exists a voting tree whose sophisticated outcomes coincide with the voting rule for every voter preference. As yet, no complete characterization of such rules is available. In this paper, we provide an important step toward this characterization by completely solving the problem when there are two possible sets of voter preferences.The second author was supported by the Office of Naval Research, Grant N00014-92-J-1387.     

Extreme voting under proportional representation: the multidimensional case

We study the strategic behavior of voters in a spatial model of proportional representation, in which the policy space is multidimensional. Our main finding is that in large electorate, under some assumptions on voters’ preferences, voters essentially vote, in any equilibrium, only for the extreme parties.     

A continuous rating method for preferential voting: the complete case

A method is given for quantitatively rating the social acceptance of different options which are the matter of a complete preferential vote. Completeness means that every voter expresses a comparison (a preference or a tie) about each pair of options. The proposed method is proved to have certain desirable properties, which include: the continuity of the rates with respect to the data, a decomposition property that characterizes certain situations opposite to a tie, the Condorcet?CSmith principle, and clone consistency. One can view this rating method as a complement for the ranking method introduced in 1997 by Markus Schulze. It is also related to certain methods of cluster analysis and one-dimensional scaling.     

Socio-economic re-structuring and employment: the case of minority ethnic groups

The consequences of major changes in employment, due to the decline of manufacturing and the growth of the service sector, have not been well-documented, nor theorized, in the sociology of ethnic relations, even in recent studies. For example, Blumer's classic argument that economic development adapts to 'race relations', rather than the reverse as predicted by the modernization school, has not been either empirically resolved or conceptually applied to the UK. By adapting data from the Labour Force Survey and the Census, the paper begins to fill this gap with a detailed account of three main minority ethnic groups, and a separate analysis of male and female employment. It is demonstrated that, contrary to assumptions that members of the minority ethnic groups suffered most from de-industrialization, they actually did rather well, and in some cases did better than the majority population. These findings are re-conceptualized as collective social mobility, as part of a review of a number of conceptual frameworks in the light of the data.     

Participation in ethnic associations: the case of immigrants in West Germany

This paper gives the results of a 1981-1982 study of Greek, Italian, and Turkish immigrants in West Germany. Ethnic organizations such as those that presently exist in large numbers in West Germany are often viewed as indicating a lack of social integration and participation by immigrants in the host society. Whether these organizations segregate the immigrants and make their assimilation more difficult, as research on minority groups often claims, or whether they serve as mediating institutions to help integrate and assimilate the newcomers, as other theories would lead one to expect, will depend on the basic orientation of the ethnic organization itself toward the host country. Results indicate the distinctive characteristics of the organizations serving each of these 3 different groups, the extent to which persons of each nationality participate in these associations, the reasons they give for their participation, and the ways in which participation in organizations with different organizations affects the social integration and assimilation of the individual immigrants. Efforts to increase and support the political activities of minority groups at the local level will have positive consequences; this would be 1 modest but decisive step toward eliminating the mutual prejudices of minority and majority group members. As long as immigrants have a clear right to remain in their host country, a secure means of existence, and recognition and acceptance as members of an ethnic minority, their heritage and pride should not be seen as an indication of any lack of identification with the dominant society.     

Challenges to professionalism and union voting intentions: The case of pharmacists

Using data from a national survey of pharmacists who are members of the American Pharmaceutical Association, we examine the union voting intentions of employee pharmacists. We find that union instrumentality regarding professionalism is a primary predictor of union voting intent among these employees. In addition, this predictor mediates the relationship between the level of professionalism at a pharmacist’s current employment situation and his or her expected union vote. Also important to union voting intent are respondent beliefs about union instrumentality regarding pecuniary issues, prior union experience, as well as overall job satisfaction. Implications for employers, unions, and researchers are drawn. We thank Mary Graham, Jann Skelton, Paul Swiercz, Terry Thomason, and participants at the Seventh Bar-gaining Group Conference at Michigan State University for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. This research was made possible by a grant from the American Pharmaceutical Association.     

Predictors of strike voting behavior: The case of university faculty

This study examines the impact of demographic characteristics, job variables, and attitudinal factors on the strike voting behavior of faculty members at a Canadian university. The results show that married faculty members and those from single-income households were more inclined to vote against the strike. Regarding the attitudinal factors, faculty members who were satisfied with existing research facilities and were loyal to the Faculty Association were likely to favor the strike, whereas faculty who were satisfied with working conditions and with the university administration were opposed to the strike. Beliefs about unions, however, did not appear to have an influence on voting behavior. The author thanks J. Dart, A. Dastmalchian, R. Long, D. Maki, and two anonymous referees for their helpful comments.     

Class voting, social change, and the left in Australia, 1943-96

The relationship between class and voting choices has been the subject of controversy in recent years, especially in connection with the apparent decline of the traditional left. This paper examines class voting in Australia, focusing on three major issues: (1) changes in the overall strength of class voting (2) realignment, or changes in the relative political positions of the classes (3) the connection between the strength of class voting and support for Labor. It finds that (1) there is a decline in 'general' class voting (2) much of this decline involves a realignment of certain middle class groups, but there is no support for the popular idea that class alignments have become more complex (3) there is no connection between the strength of class voting and Labor performance. Our results cast doubt on accounts that regard the electoral difficulties of left parties as a symptom of the decline of class.     

Research Notes/Notes de recherche A dynamic typology of urban neighbourhoods: the case of Winnipeg

En 1978, la ville de Winnipeg a développé une typologie du changement urbain au niveau du quarter en se fondant sur un modèle du processus de développement urbain qui distingue trois stades: croissance, stabilité et déclin. Depuis lors, une ré-aggrégation au niveau du quarter des données du recensement est devenue disponible. Nous partons du principe que le quarter est ľunité spatiale la plus importante pour les planificateurs et pour beaucoup de citadins; conséquemment, nous proposons ici une typologie dynamique des quarters, basée sur ľanalyse factorielle des données des recensements de 1971 et 1981, au niveau ďaggrégation du quarter. Ensuite, nous évaluons ľimportance du choix du niveau ďaggrégation des données, et nous comparons ľutilité des deux typologies -celle développé par la ville de Winnipeg et la nôtre.
The process of urban development through the stages of growth, stability and decline was the foundation of a typology of neighbourhood change developed in 1978 by the City of Winnipeg. Since that time, Statistics Canada census data for Winnipeg reaggregated by neighbourhoods have become available. Because the neighbourhood is the most significant spatial unit for City Planners as well as for many residents, this paper first proposes to establish a dynamic typology of neighbourhoods based on a factor analysis of 1971 and 1981 census data aggregated by neighbourhood. A second goal is to evaluate the importance of the level of aggregation of the data, and to look at the relative usefulness of the typology developed by the City and the typology developed through factor analysis of census data.     

Pluralism and ethnic conflict in Tanzania's arid lands: the case of the Maasai and the WaArusha

In Tanzania, the Maasai and Waarusha tribes are experiencing conflict because differences in their modes of productions and economic strategies undermine the peaceful coexistence that they have enjoyed since the 18th century. The Maasai are pastoralists, while the Waarusha are agricultural subsistence farmers who are encroaching on the best pasture lands. A sketch of the history of the two groups shows that the Maasai reached the peak of their land holding in 1880 before the arrival of European colonists who seized land and restricted the Maasai to a semi-arid reserve but allowed the Maasai to remain an autonomous and powerful group. The Waarusha began encroaching on Maasai land after independence due to land and population pressure. While closely tied, each group looks down on the other, and Maasai ascendancy has given way to Waarusha challenges. After independence, the tribal and ethnic rule that was protected by the colonial system was disrupted to allow for increased internal migration and new patterns of settlement. The rights of land ownership were transferred from tribes to the State, allowing privileged groups to benefit. The Waarusha began to engage in illegal land-grabbing and to encroach on the Maasai preserve using legal and illegal means. The Maasai view land as collective property and have had difficulty retaining title of traditional lands in the face of population pressure. This loss of grazing land has forced the Maasai into a mixed economy that depends upon agricultural production as well as livestock production. In the meantime, the Waarusha have deliberately sought political office to gain power to secure their holdings. Immediate action is needed to produce 1) a policy on spontaneous settlement, 2) an immediate adjustment of legal procedures for land acquisition, 3) a land tenure policy that equally emphasizes agricultural and livestock production, and 4) controls on undue expansion of subsistence agriculture into semi-arid rangelands.     

Health care service and ethnic minorities: The case of Austria

The present article delineates the way in which a number of factors—societal as well as individual—define the health profile of ethnic minorities as well as hinder their access to and appropriation of an adequate health care service. It is based on an exploratory study—the first of its kind to be carried out in Austria—undertaken by ‘The Interdisciplinary Centre for Comparative Research in the Social Sciences’ on the subject of ‘Foreigners and Health’.     

Impartiality,friendship-networks and voting behavior: Evidence from voting patterns in the Eurovision Song Contest

What is the extent to which a country's political institutions impact aggregate voting behavior in a comparative perspective? More specifically, are citizens in some countries more inclined vote on the basis of ‘quality’ or ‘merit’ over ‘friendship’ or ‘loyalty’, and if so, why? This paper seeks to address how the extent to which a country's political institutions are impartial (treats all citizens equally, free from corruption, strong rule of law) impact aggregate citizen behavior. When political institutions are more (less) impartial, success in society is more often on the basis of merit (patrimonial ties). This test cases is voting in the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) from 1975 to 2012 among pairs and blocs of ‘voting friends’. The theory elucidates that given that certain pairs or blocs exhibit systematic voting bias for one another over time, the bias will be considerably less among impartial states than those with highly partial institutions. Using several measures of ‘friendship’, I find strong empirical evidence for this claim, even when controlling for myriad alternative factors and taking into account various voting regimes. The analysis gives us new insights on how political institutions condition aggregate citizen behavior in general and that although there is much bias in ESC voting, not all bias is equal among friend-countries.     

State,class, and reserve labour: the case of the 1941 Canadian Unemployment Insurance Act*

Cet article présente une analyse comparative des théories marxiste-instrumentaliste et marxiste-structuraliste du capitalisme d'État dans une étude de cas basée sur l'introduction de la Loi d'Assurance-Chômage canadienne de 1941. Il examine l'influence de l'accumulation de capital, du contrôle social du travail et du salaire de survie ouvrier sur cette législation. Cette analyse révèle que l'État fédéral a Créé l'assurance-chômage pour contrôler l'agitation sociale parmi les ouvriers non-employés et pour contribuer à sa propre accumulation de capital dans le contexte historique de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les capitalistes se sont systématiquement opposés à l'assurance-chômage d'État de 1920 à 1941, bien que leur opposition se soit quelque peu tempérée au cours de la crise des années 1930. Les organisations ouvrières ont systématiquement défendu l'assurance-chômage depuis 1919, le radicalisme de certaines de leurs revendications culminant au cours de la crise. L'État fédéral ayant imposé l'assurance-chômage malgré l'opposition des milieux d'affaires canadiennes, on peut affirmer que la théorie marxiste-structuraliste qui accorde à 1'État une certaine indépendance vis-à-vis des milieux d'affaires, ce qui lui permet de satisfaire certaines revendications de la classe ouvrière, est la théorie qui rend le mieux compte du cas présenté. Using the introduction of the Canadian Unemployment Insurance Act in 1941 as a case study, the comparative validity of the Marxist instrumental and structural theories of the capitalist state is considered. The bearing of the interests of capital accumulation, social control of labour, and labour's wage subsistence on this legislation is examined. The analysis mainly shows that the federal state introduced unemployment insurance to control unrest among the unemployed and to assist its own accumulation of capital in the context of World War II. The capitalist class consistently opposed state unemployment insurance between 1920 and 1941, although its opposition weakened somewhat during the Depression of the 1930s. Labour organizations have consistently supported unemployment insurance since 1919. The radicalness of some of their proposals reached a high point during the Depression. Because the federal state introduced unemployment insurance largely over the objections of Canadian business, it is concluded that the Marxist structural theory, in which the state displays a relative autonomy from business and thereby accommodates some working-class demands, is the most valid theory for the case under examination.