Max weber's vision of economic sociology

Max Weber's economic sociology is usually associated with The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–1905), but in this paper I show that what Weber himself called his “Wirtschaftssoziologie”, or economic sociology, looked quite different and was something that he developed during the last year of his life, 1919–1920. I present and outline Weber's (later) economic sociology and pay particular attention to his ideas of “economic (social) action” and of the three different forms of capitalism (rational capitalism, political capitalism and traditional capitalism). I also show that to Weber, economic sociology was part of a more general science of economics that he often referred to as “social economics” (“Sozialökonomik”). The paper ends with a comparison between the paradigm of economic sociology, which can be found in the work of Max Weber, and the paradigm of what is known as New Economic Sociology.     

Verteilungskoalitionen und Demokratische Staatsstrukturen als Determinanten der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung?

This comment critically focuses upon Volker Kunz’s (KFfSS Vol. 52, 2000: 195–225) empirical findings concerning the political and institutional underpinnings of economic development in the OECD world. It is argued that a most similar systems design is inappropriate to explore the political sources of economic growth. Reanalyzing the determinants of economic growth rates in a cross-section of 21 OECD countries provides little evidence for a political dimension of economic development. More specifically, I cannot replicate his findings that consensus democracy and distributional coalitions hamper economic growth. It is shown that long-term economic growth rates first and foremost are determined by economic catch-up resulting from differentials in initial levels of economic development.     

CONVERGENCE,POLARIZATION, OR WHAT?

Wilson (1978, 1987) argues that since the 1960s, race has become a less important determinant of the life chances and outlooks of individual blacks than has sociocconomic status; moreover, he suggests that as race has declined in its significance, the black community has become more socioeconomically differentiated and polarized. Using data from the 1964 through 1984 American National Election Surveys, this article examines hypotheses derived from both Wilson's "declining significance of race" thesis and his "polarization" thesis. The results show that (1) race declined in its significance to a limited degree, but continued to be an important determinant of attitudes and outlooks; (2) blacks at all income levels continued to be more similar to other blacks with different incomes than to nonblacks with incomes similar to their own; (3) the black community did not undergo social, political, and economic polarization; and (4) socioeconomic standing did not become more important than race as a determinant of the social, political, and economic attitudes and outlooks examined.     

Reading Polanyi in Erbil: understanding socio-political factors in the development of Iraqi Kurdistan

ABSTRACT

The Kurdistan Regional Government emerges out of the chaos of post-Saddam Iraq as a rare positive, providing both political stability and economic growth. However, the outward display masks a more complex domestic settlement where the trappings of the free market coexist with political parties who are significant economic actors. How can this model of development in Iraqi Kurdistan be explained? Turning to the writings of political economist Karl Polanyi, does his thinking on relations between society and economy offer a way to unpack the development? And what does this analysis tell us of prospects for Iraqi Kurdistan?     

Setting the record straight: Tsvangirai’s memoir At the Deep End as a rival narrative

In this paper, an argument is put forward that through literary and political patronage Morgan Tsvangirai constructed a life narrative that is meant to challenge the ZANU-PF hegemonic discourse of demonisation that presents and depicts him as a political puppet to the British whose agenda is to effect regime change in Zimbabwe. He thus makes use of the book as a political and literary tool to set the record straight. It is further argued that different narrative strategies such as modesty topos, blended voices and historical archiving are used to position Tsvangirai as a political messiah in Zimbabwe, whose involvement in politics was not by accident but a fulfilment of his destiny, cause and calling. Therefore, memoir writing is seen more as an act of defiance and personal archiving for political gain than an interest in one’s personal history. Personal history is instead made to replace national history. The self is the nation and his story is the story of the nation.     

利比亚的核政策：历史与现实

出于对自身政权安全的考虑,利比亚早在1969年即开始秘密进行核武研发活动,直至2003年宣布弃核。由于同美国等西方国家存在很大矛盾,利比亚从20世纪八十年代末起遭受日益严厉的经济制裁,其经济社会发展受到严重制约,人民生活水平明显下降,进而诱发了人民的反政府情绪并给政治反对派以可乘之机。在此背景下,利比亚决定采取实际步骤改善与西方国家的关系,这是利比亚弃核的根本原因。而伊拉克战争强化了卡扎菲对其政权威胁严峻性的认识,则成为其弃核的直接原因。利比亚虽然宣布弃核,但随着国际和地区形势的变化,将来仍有重新踏上核武研发之路的可能。     

Dialogue,strategic communication,and ethical public relations: Lessons from Martin Buber’s political activism

Dialogue and persuasive strategic communication are often perceived by public relations scholars as two distinct approaches to the practice. After revisiting and reassessing debates surrounding the two approaches, this article introduces accounts of the use of dialogue and strategic communication in the political life of Martin Buber, whose philosophy has inspired PR scholarship on dialogue. It traces Buber’s writings and activities as communicator in the service of the early Zionist movement and, in his later life, as campaigner against the establishment of the State of Israel, and as promoter of dialogue between Zionists and Arab Palestinians. Based on archival research the article uncovers Buber’s political and PR work to provide insights into his philosophy in the context of his political and life experiences. Inspired by Buber’s work the article argues that dialogue and strategic communication both have the potential to be deployed ethically, and for prosocial causes, or to be deployed in a self-serving and unethical way. In this, it supports other scholars’ argument that public relations should reconcile with the fact that both are legitimate tools and it further argues that both might be used either ethically or unethically. It concludes that ethical PR practice depends less on the form of communication, and more on transparency, honesty, openness, and respect in the way dialogue or strategic communication are conducted.     

Watching and Listening: A Paediatrician's Career, 1944-1986

The medical model of disability has been much criticised in recent years and the traditional power of the doctor to diagnose, direct practice and provide services is now being challenged. Paediatricians have been accused of making crude assessments of potential ability in children, damaging the quality of family life in the process. Yet, the Cleveland affair admits ambiguities in the public perception of paediatricians. Are they to be advocates for their vulnerable clients or partners of parents? Can they be both? Medical attitudes arise from the political and social culture in which practitioners are learning and operating. In this paper one paediatrician shares his reflections on a 42-year career, during which period medical, social and economic changes were to radically alter his practice and perceptions.     

The terrorist,the artist and the citizen: Oscar Wilde and Vera

This article links Oscar Wilde’s prose writings with his earliest drama Vera, or The Nihilists (1880, rev., 1883) and suggests how the idea of terrorism and political violence was a spectacle and threat that Wilde acknowledged and encompassed in his writing and thought. I discuss Wilde’s adoption of a Hegelian view of the development of civilisation and suggest that during his 1895 trials he cast himself self-consciously as at once agitator and scapegoat, finding that his own life had come to imitate his art though not in the ways with which we are commonly familiar. Modern terrorism from its roots in 1870s Russian political unrest is recognised as both a new force and a familiar fantasy which shapes literature.     

论图斐利的政治哲学思想

本文从中世纪阿拉伯哲学家伊本·图斐利的《哈义·本·叶格赞》出发,通过对文本的解读,揭示伊本·图斐利的政治哲学思想,引起人们对中世纪阿拉伯哲学的关注,这对当前我们重新审视与勘察现代阿拉伯政治哲学具有重大的价值意义。     

"The World's Against Me As A Black Man": Charles Mingus and Segregated America

This paper examines how the artistic output of Charles Mingus was influenced by the question of race in U.S. politics. Employing material from the liner notes of Mingus's albums, his autobiography, and interviews for his oral history, I argue that issues of race and their political manifestation were forced upon Mingus by the circumstances of American politics. Mingus's experience as an African American vehemently opposed to segregated race relations and alert, throughout his life, to racism, is part of his compositional presence.     

The Tragedy of the Atmospheric Commons: Discounting Future Costs and Risks in Pursuit of Immediate Fossil‐Fuel Benefits

One of the most significant positive approaches to the politics of climate change on the scale required by the problem is that of Giddens. This paper uncovers weaknesses in his argument and reveals motivational divergence for mitigation and energy security in both Canada and New Zealand, which is opposite to what occurred in Northern Europe that provided the basis for his analysis. This suggests that the response to climate change varies according to deeper cultural and geophysical structures. The paper also examines cost(risk)‐benefit analysis versus the precautionary principle, the directionality of political‐economic convergence with mitigation, and political partisanship concerning climate change. It documents the complexity of making near‐term economic opportunities converge with mitigation of distant harm.     

Political Economic Analysis in Sociology as Dramatic Rhetoric*

The relationship between political economy and social problems advanced by S. M. Miller in his presidential address to the Society for the Study of Social Problems is analyzed. Political economy is judged to qualify as ritual drama as much as science or as ideology because (1) political economy reduces Maclver's distributive and conjunctural phenomena to collective phenomena, (2) it fails to grapple directly with political and economic obstacles to its proposed policies, and (3) it does invest these obstacles with symbolism. The function of ritual drama is suggested and the concept is applied to the work of other sociologists.     

Stuart Hall's pessimism of the intellect,optimism of the will: reflections on an intellectual life

Stuart Hall was a seminal figure in the development of cultural studies and his death in 2014 has left an intellectual and political void. This article, based on a memorial talk, offers a number of perspectives on Hall’s life and work: the relationship between his speeches/interviews and his written work; the cultural and political context of cultural studies’ emergence; the contradictory and productive relationship between cultural studies and Marxism; the centrality of ‘conjunctural analysis’ to the project of cultural studies; the continuing relevance of the recently republished book Policing the Crisis; the responsibilities of intellectuals to make ideas matter in the world beyond the academy, and the political nature of Hall’s version of cultural studies.     

Desperately seeking social approval: Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen and the moral limits of capitalist culture

Adam Smith and Thorstein Veblen shared much in matters of economic ontology. Both dismissed the very notion of an autonomous economic self and instead investigated the processes through which self and other are mutually constituted under changing cultural traditions of individual aspiration. Their strikingly similar critiques of status-oriented consumption and concern for the moral basis of the market economy are established in this manner. However, the political implications of their analyses point in different directions, with Veblen being the more radical. The Smithian individual can always use spectatorial insights to assert through genuinely praiseworthy behaviour personal moral distance from social norms of status-oriented consumption. The Veblenian individual, by contrast, has no such capacity for elevating abstract moral principles above socially-situated conduct, as mind and environment co-evolve in line with changing material circumstances of life. For Veblen, the rise of status-oriented consumption itself acted as a form of moral self-education that more deeply entrenched the social norms of ownership out of which it arose, thus the impossibility of an autonomous economic self was matched by the impossibility of an autonomous moral self. To his way of thinking, moral degradation in conspicuous consumption was irredeemably inscribed into the whole cultural structure of capitalism.     

Portrayal and betrayal: Bourdieu, photography and sociological life

Through an examination of Bourdieu's Algerian fieldwork the article raises general questions regarding the place of photography in sociological research. In the midst of a colonial war Bourdieu used photography to make visual fieldnotes and record the mixed realities of Algeria under colonialism. Bourdieu also used photography to communicate to the Algerians an ethical and political commitment to their cause and plight. It is argued that his photographs do not simply portrayal or communicate the realities of Algeria. They are, paradoxically, at the same time full of information and mysterious and depthless. In order to read them it is necessary to ethnographically situate them in their social and historical context. It is suggested that the photographs can also be read as an inventory of Bourdieu's attentiveness as a researcher, his curiosity and ultimately his sociological imagination. They betray his concerns as a researcher but also can be used to raise ethical and political questions beyond Bourdieu's own attempts at reflexive self-analysis. The article concludes with a discussion of how Bourdieu's sociological life might contribute to the craft of sociology today.     

To Pass Through on One’s Wings: The Poetry of Oleh Zujewskyj

Ivan Dmitriev has virtually disappeared from memory, but in the late eighteenth century he was known as one of Russia’s foremost poets. What even fewer readers know is that Dmitriev’s most significant contribution to Russia’s literary heritage may have been his decision to make poetry the centre of his prose autobiography. In the literary and social context of the 1810s and 20s, this was a remarkable step because it showed Dmitriev’s conviction that poetry had an inherent value that earned it a place in the narrative formulation of one’s “life plot.” Dmitriev’s approach is even more remarkable when his autobiography is compared to the prose autobiography of Gavrila Derzhavin, the greatest poet of his time. Derzhavin’s autobiography ignores poetry almost completely, and usually refers to the author’s literary endeavours only when they intersect with the dominant thread of his political life. This article looks at the social and literary contexts in which these autobiographical texts were written, and then examines closely the style and substance of each text to explore the way each poet creates his own life story. This comparison shows that the great poet Derzhavin depicts himself almost exclusively as a statesman, and it is the long-forgotten Dmitriev who reveals a profound allegiance to poetry as the most important part of his life.     

The Quaker Ethic and the Fixed Price Policy: Max Weber and Beyond*

Max Weber undertook his research on the Quakers and their fixed price policy as part of his attempt to understand the role of the Puritan sects in the rise of early modern capitalism. Although his comments on the group were sympathetic and penetrating, they suffered from inattention to the historical context. He failed to see, for instance, that the Quakers’economic policies in large part reflected their resentful frustration over the Puritans’failure to institute popular political, economic, and religious proposals. This paper corrects Weber's portrait of the Quakers and their unique fixed price policy by paying close attention to the social climate in which they formulated this economic innovation. In doing so the research establishes an important relationship between religious doctrines and social frustrations that Weber himself did not see, but that existed in Nietzsche's theory of “resentment,” and in Eduard Bernstein's analysis of the earliest Quakers.     

The Problem With Paul: Seeds of the Culture Wars and the Dilemma for Journalists

The Apostle Paul was a person of many contradictions. Amid his revolutionary exhortations that the genuine Christian must ignore external religious law and look within for spiritual direction, Paul also laid out explicit guidelines for accepted Christian belief that have been used to establish Christian orthodoxy, punish heretics, and lay the foundation for church authority. For journalists trying to negotiate their way through the hostilities of the Christian right, the liberal left, and the polarization of American cultural and political life, there is no better historical source than Paul to understand how Christianity can be interpreted so differently by people of divergent political, social, and moral views. Journalists cannot expect to understand the dissension among conservative and liberal Christians, as well as the broader divisions between Christians and non-Christians, without examining Paul as a major source of the double-mindedness that characterizes Christianity's outlook on the questions of modern life.     

From critical sociology to public intellectual: Pierre Bourdieu and politics

By the late 1990s, Pierre Bourdieu had become the primary public intellectual of major social scientific status at the head of the anti-globalization movement that emerged in France and in other Western European countries. This article discusses how Bourdieu became a leading public intellectual, a role that seems to contrast with his early years as a professional sociologist. It explores what seemed to change in Bourdieu’s activities and outlook as sociologist and what seems to have remained constant. It identifies several institutional conditions that seemed necessary for Bourdieu to be able to play the kind of public intellectual role he did in his later years. Bourdieu’s movement from a peripheral position to a central location in the French intellectual field, the changing character of the field itself, the growing influence of the mass media in French political and cultural life, the failures of the French Socialists in power, a cultural legacy of leading critical intellectuals in France, a unifying national issue of globalization, and the political conjuncture in 1995 all intersected in ways that opened a path for Bourdieu to choose new and more frequent forms of political action. His responses to that combination of factors at different moments reveal both a striking continuity in desire to preserve the autonomy of intellectual life and a change in view and strategy on how best to do that. The article concludes with a brief evaluation of Bourdieu’s public intellectual role.