高校意识形态认同版图及群体特征

基于45所高校的实证调查,通过构建意识形态领域的"概念知晓度—观点知晓度—观点认同度"三维分析模型,新时代高校意识形态认同情况如下:大学生对主流意识形态的认同显著高于对社会思潮的认同,主流意识形态的主导地位依然十分巩固;在社会思潮的"概念知晓度"和"观点知晓度"方面,影响较大的为"消费主义、娱乐主义、拜金主义""民族主义"和"逆全球化、贸易保护主义、多边主义";就"观点认同度"而言,排在前三位的社会思潮是"逆全球化、贸易保护主义""历史虚无主义""民主社会主义、自由社会主义、宪政社会主义".不同大学生群体对社会思潮的认同度存在显著差异,且"主流意识形态"和"社会思潮"存在此消彼长的关系,尤其是需要重点关注和加强政治领域和文化领域阵地的建设和巩固.     

新时代背景下高职医学院校学生思想意识形态认同教育路径浅析

意识形态关乎旗帜、关乎道路、关乎国家政治安全,是一个国家的思想根基和精神支柱。我国高等教育肩负着培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义事业建设者和接班人的重大任务。而当前由于国内国外各种负面因素的冲击和影响,给大学生意识形态认同教育带来巨大的挑战,在新形势下提高和加强大学生意识形态认同教育刻不容缓。     

“港独”分离主义对青年国家认同的影响与应对策略

青年国家认同研究是思想政治教育学的基本研究领域,培育青年国家认同是思想政治教育的重要内容和核心目标。近年来,香港不断发生青年团体以疏离大陆为目的的社会运动,香港青年的国家认同因之受到挑战。"港独"分离主义思潮是影响香港青年国家认同的主要消极因素,它通过设置敏感议题、扭曲本土意识、操纵街头政治运动、强化分离主义理论伪装、煽动陆港对立等方式蓄意扩大在青年中的影响,以达到消解香港青年国家认同,并最终谋求香港独立的政治目的。解决这个问题需要政府和社会形成合力,从意识形态话语建设、历史文化传统教育、政治法律制度规制、经济社会参与融合等方面稳步推进,全面清除"港独"分离主义的生存空间,最终加强培育香港青年的国家认同。     

“90后”大学生政治认同研究

不同于代际研究方法对青年群体的整体政治认知,基于社会结构理论下的"90后"大学生政治认同研究发现,经济因素主要影响贫困大学生入党积极性,和"90后"大学生政治效能感不存在正相关关系;农村户籍的"90后"大学生政治认同高于城市户籍大学生;文科背景"90后"大学生政治认同高于理科生。政治认同是大学生政治社会化的重要途径,也是政治制度得以巩固的基础,需要建立培养大学生政治认同机制。     

“90后”大学生主流意识形态的认同研究

"90后"大学生是伴随着中国高速发展时期成长起来的跨世纪青年,作为中国特色社会主义各项事业的生力军和接班人,作为中国梦的承担者与实现者,他们是否认同马克思主义意识形态,将关系到中国特色社会主义事业的进程,关系到他们能否或在多大程度上肩负起实现中国梦的历史使命。对"90后"大学生马克思主义意识形态认同度的调查表明,"90后"大学生对马克思主义意识形态的认同总体上积极向上,但部分大学生功利化增强,不同程度地出现了马克思主义意识形态的认同危机。因此,要发挥主渠道作用,践行中国梦,立足主体需求,加强大学生社会实践活动,建构大学生马克思主义意识形态认同的路径。     

少数民族大学生社会主义核心价值观认同力分析

在改革开放不断深入与社会主义市场经济迅猛发展的当代中国,对大学生进行社会主义核心价值观教育俨然已成重要且紧迫之势。尽管社会主义核心价值观是中国56个民族核心价值观的"最大公约数",但在思维方式、民族心理以及社会信仰等方面具有诸多民族文化特质的少数民族大学生,在接受社会主义核心价值观教育过程中必然会因为族性和文化适应性问题产生或多或少的心理碰撞。从自我评价与他方评价层面考察少数民族大学生社会主义核心价值观认同力现状的研究认为,应挖掘网络思想政治教育优势,在关注族性基础上增强少数民族大学生的文化适应,具有较强的现实意义与应用价值。     

试论网络舆情对大学生政治认同的侵蚀与重塑

政治认同源于人们的政治实践,与社会个体的心理活动有密切关系,对一国的政治生态影响巨大。当今互联网迅猛发展,网络舆情此起彼伏,而大学生的政治观尚未形成,势必会在一定程度上影响该群体的政治认同感。因此,通过剖析大学生对网络的依赖程度,大学生政治认同受网络信息、网络舆情的影响水平等问题,进而探究立足大学生、高校、政府及网络媒体"四位一体"的应对策略,已然成为网络思想政治教育亟待解决的问题与不可避免的途径。     

“奥运热”与中国青年的民族认同

"五四"以来,伴随传统文化的式微,全球化背景下的消费主义裹挟着西方文化模式削弱了中国青年的民族认同.本文认为2008北京"奥运会"为唤醒中国青年的民族认同提供了一个历史性的契机:挖掘和传播具有普适性和现代性的传统文化,以及动员青年人将中华民族复兴的情怀与日常生活工作中扮演优秀中国人的角色意识紧密关联起来,是强化青年民族认同的两大"迎奥运"活动主题.     

大学生革命精神认同力研究

大学生是祖国的未来,他们对革命精神的认同力直接反映着一个国家的精神建构。随着全球化和网络时代的到来,大学生对革命精神的认同发生了很大变化。调查发现,当代大学生在对革命精神的知晓、认同、反感、思考与选择五个维度上各有特点,基本状况是:革命精神知晓度比较高,认同度持中,反感存在,思考与选择则较世俗化。由此,提升当代大学生革命精神认同力应该从丰富大学生了解革命精神的途径、倡导革命精神中符合时代要求的内容、制定切合各群体的价值和道德标准、高度重视"官德"建设对于革命精神认同力的正效应等方面入手。     

少数民族大学生政治认同教育的特殊性及对策

少数民族大学的政治认同是指少数民族大学生对现行政治体系及其价值观念所产生的一种心理归属和情感倾向,并在政治实践中对政治体系的运作给出一定的心理评价。少数民族大学生的政治认同对我国的民族团结、社会稳定具有重要意义,但由于自身的特殊性以及民族文化和教育环境的特殊性,少数民族大学生还存在政治认同偏差,还需坚持以尊重少数民族大学生文化传统为基本前提、营造良好的政治认同教育环境为社会根基、拓展少数民族大学生政治认同教育实践为关键途径,逐步增进少数民族大学生对现行政治体系和主流价值观念的认同。     

网络异化与大学生国家认同教育

网络异化是指由网络技术带来的人的异化。在新时期,网络异化引发并加剧了大学生的国家认同危机,对大学生的国家认同教育造成了极大的负面影响。这就要求我们努力消解网络异化,在新的网络环境中建构一种全新的国家认同教育模式。     

论消费主义与当代青年身份建构

消费主义对当代青年的影响应该引起重视。当前,消费主义盛行的原因之一在于消费给人们提供一种身份建构的重要方式。在消费中,人们体验着自由和平等,确定了自身的价值所在,实现被他者认同,并获得了群体归宿感。然而,这种身份构建方式具有极大的不稳定性,它使人为物所役,而自由、平等也成为幻影。当代青年所处的时代在一定程度上催生着消费主义,但是,青年不应该因此而沉沦其中,要清醒认识消费之于人类的本真意义,寻求更为合理的身份建构方式。     

Identity and Schooling among the Naxi

This paper examines the role of schooling in constructing identity of Naxi secondary students in Lijiang, southwest China. The study shows that the school assigns an identity of the Chinese nation to Naxi students, while it also plays a role in forming their ethnic identity. The school curriculum, teachers' teaching, and interactions among students influence the identity construction of Naxi students. A qualitative method was designed to collect data for this study.     

中东地区清真寺功能的演变

清真寺是伊斯兰教最重要的建筑物，其功能随着历史发展而不断演变。中古时期的清真寺以宗教功能为基础，兼具社会、政治和文化功能，在穆斯林生活中占据核心地位；近代以来，清真寺保持和加强民族认同以及提供情感依托和社会支持的功能得到强化，大众动员功能逐渐增强。这些功能在全球化时代得到进一步发展，在一定程度上缓解了全球化引起的伊斯兰国家民族认同危机、经济结构面临调整、人口跨国流动增加等压力。     

Social Workers as Boundary Spanners: Reframing our Professional Identity for Interprofessional Practice

One of the more difficult tasks for social work educators is socializing students into a professional identity. Social identity theory provides a lens to consider what is needed for a social work identity that will continue to be salient for students as they move into practice. Framing social workers as boundary spanners might offer students a professional identity that is congruent with core values, reflects what social workers do and places less emphasis on old debates about the profession. It also positions students well for work in the increasingly interprofessional realms of health and social care. I consider how social workers are well equipped to meet the demand created by ‘joined-up working’ for people with boundary-spanning expertise. Seeing ourselves as boundary spanners is one way to reconcile our professional and interprofessional identities, thereby increasing the chances that our students will continue to identify as social workers when they move into interprofessional practice.     

Social Identity and its Influence on Women's Roles in East-Central Europe

An apparent drop in women's presence in the political sphere has spawned debates in the feminist literature over the need and cultural appropriateness of women's political office-holding in East-Central Europe. The author discusses the nature of political participation in light of women's self-definition, social identity, and loci of commitments in these transforming states. Taking their own value orientations and the societal processes they experience as a baseline from which to appraise political and social change, women in East-Central Europe feel disillusioned with the transition to a market economy and the ideological framework out of which it functions. They have, after all, disproportionately borne the ill-effects of the new ideology of efficiency and productivity in the workforce and they perceive the political arena as a narrowly defined arena of partisan rancoring that does not address their needs. Pointing to Dahl's work on moral civic virtue, the author argues that the orientation and values of women in East-Central Europe – i.e. a commitment to justice and preference for localized, pragmatic (not ideological) and particularistic action – are especially conducive to developing the moral civic infrastructure so badly needed in these transitioning countries. The author discusses the merits and drawbacks of three possible scenarios for action for the women of this region: maintaining the status quo; using women's traditional and preferred forms of action to effect change 'from the bottom'; and taking frontal action at the national level against inequities and discriminatory policies.     

Economy “versus” Environment: The Influence of Economic Ideology and Political Identity on Perceived Threat of Eco‐Catastrophe

Using data from a national survey of American adults, we examine the relationships between economic, political, sociodemographic, and religious characteristics with perception of the potential for eco‐catastrophe. We employ the treadmill of production theory to frame our understanding of views about ecological concerns, arguing that the treadmill discourse associated with economic development is hegemonic and fundamentally shapes public views of eco‐catastrophe. In line with this approach, economic ideology is the strongest predictor of attitudes about eco‐catastrophe, and its influence is conditioned by political identity. There is also significant patterning in these perceptions based on gender, race, education, and religion, but the influence of social characteristics is primarily indirect—mediated by economic ideology and political identity. These results provide useful information for addressing environmental problems in public discourse and bridging policy divides.     

阿拉伯民族身份认同的文本学分析

文本被视为一种记忆。本文以《一千零一夜》为例,从文本学分析的角度,探索《夜》反映的阿拉伯伊斯兰帝国鼎盛时期——阿拔斯王朝前期的社会风貌、文化背景和价值观念。通过故事的表征分析,我们看到,《夜》的民族身份认同本质上是以阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化为同一性,并以伊斯兰教为核心思想,"阿拉伯人"不再仅仅限于种族和血统含义,而是包含了宗教和文化概念,甚至以"穆斯林"的宗教身份涵盖"阿拉伯人"的民族身份。     

Political consumerism and the participation gap: are boycotting and ‘buycotting’ youth-based activities?

Does age predict political consumerism (boycotting or ‘buycotting’) among Canadian youth and adults? To what extent might political consumerism reduce inequities in civic participation? Using data from the 2008 Statistics Canada GSS on Social Networks, a multi-variate logistic regression analysis was conducted to investigate the relationship between age and politically motivated consumer behavior. Findings indicate that political consumerism is less likely among youth and the elderly than it is among middle-aged and young adults; however, education – rather than age – is found to be the strongest predictor. These results suggest that (a) popular beliefs/stereotypes about youths’ propensity toward non-traditional ‘consumer-activism’ may exaggerate the reality of the situation, and (b) notions that political consumerism can effectively narrow participatory inequalities among citizens may be overly optimistic. In evaluating two competing perspectives on youth political consumerism, this study argues that political consumerism does not by itself resolve issues of political marginalization faced by young Canadians; although consumer activism may offer an ‘alternative’ means of asserting political agency, it retains many of the same demographic ‘participation gaps’ as more traditional activist tactics.     

Learning to Be a Social Worker in a Non-traditional Placement: Critical Reflections on Social Work,Professional Identity and Social Work Education in England

Drawing upon findings from a national evaluation of student social workers' experiences of ‘non-traditional’ placements with a national charity, this article considers what such placements can contribute to the development of an individual and collective sense of professional identity for social work. This is explored against the background of current developments in social work education in England, including changes to the requirements for practice placements and the introduction of ‘fast-track’ routes to qualification, preparing students for social work in statutory children's services. The article suggests that with the establishment of The College of Social Work and the development of the Professional Capabilities Framework, relevant to all social workers throughout their careers, the profession has an opportunity to promote a concept of social work in England beyond that required by statutory sector employers; and that practice learning in non-statutory and non-traditional settings has an important role to play in this.