文化融合视角下京族优秀传统文化发展研究

京族优秀传统文化记载着京族三岛与内陆交往的历史,记录了京族文化与汉族文化及其他少数民族文化交往、交流、交融的历程,具有明显的海洋性、多元性特征。京族独特的文化形态和精神生活空间,为京族文化的融合发展奠定了坚实的人文基础。以深入理解京族物质文化和非物质文化为前提,坚持文化认同、提倡文化多元性,鼓励多方参与和优化管理水平,是京族优秀传统文化创造性传承、创新性发展的有效路径。     

文学人类学视野下的故乡叙事

故乡是文学永恒的主题。在文学人类学视域下,故乡具有复杂而立体的多意层面,即作为地缘的故乡、作为族群的故乡和作为"他者"的故乡。同时,故乡叙事作为人类基本精神诉求之一,从"自然故乡"到"文化故乡"的话语建构过程,是作家对其民情风俗进行"深描"、使故乡无名的地方性知识上升为具有人类普世性意义话语的过程,也是作家进行文学地图重绘的过程。     

政党与社会建设的逻辑考察——一项基于中国情境的分析

在现代化进程中,政党与社会建设天然的结合在一起。作为"整体"的政党与作为"部分"的政党在推进社会建设方面具有不同的价值,但对于后发国家而言,作为"整体"的政党则具有更加重要的意义。民初,作为"部分"的政党无法有效的承担起社会建设的重任。作为"整体"的政党——中国国民党和中国共产党在推进中国社会建设进程中展现出不同的特点。国民党实际运作中游离于社会建设之外,造成了政权的流失。中国共产党人经历了政党与社会高度融合的发展陷阱,逐步形成了中国特色的社会治理体制,实现了政党与社会建设的有机融合。     

王维"身心相离"刍议

在王维的一生中,"身心相离"曾多次出现,但决不能简单地将其等同于王维生活中的亦官亦隐。"身心相离"作为一种自我表述,它出现在王维生活的后期;作为一种行为表现,它体现在王维生活的中期;作为一种处世思想,它萌芽于王维生活的早期,且"身心相离"的含义有"身与心相分离"和"身心与我相分离"之分。     

"天人合一"审美境界探析

中国古代把人与自然的和谐统一作为人生理想的主旋律,把"天人合一"的境界作为最高的审美境界。追求"天人合一"的审美境界是古人审美意识的重要特点。古代对"天人合一"审美境界的追求在建筑、音乐、绘画等方面都有所表现。     

论法律上的"应当"

"应当"是法律科学中最重要的关键词之一.讨论法律上的"应当",首先应该关注法律上的"应当"与道德上的"应当"的关系问题.作为行为评价尺度,法律上的"应当"具有普遍的标准.而道德上的"应当"则不具有;作为社会约束机制,法律上的"应当"具备合法的强制力量,而道德上的"应当"则不具备;作为不同的评价体系,二者可以同时发挥作用.法学上的"应当"也影响着法律上的"应当",二者是"使用"与"提及"的关系.     

意识形态的实践性解读

马克思恩格斯从"虚假意识"和"观念上层建筑"两个层面对意识形态作了基本界定。无论是作为"虚假意识"的意识形态,还是作为观念上层建筑的意识形态都根源于社会实践。实践性是意识形态最基本的属性。意识形态的实践性不仅体现为实践是意识形态产生、发展、变化的根源,更体现为作用于实践是意识形态的内在诉求,意识形态的生命力最终表现为诉诸实践的效力。从实践性上把握意识形态的两重内涵,可以看出作为"虚假意识"的意识形态是对社会现实的颠倒和遮蔽,作为上层建筑的意识形态是物质生产实践在思想观念上的反映,马克思对意识形态的批判实质上就是对意识形态赖以生存的社会现实的批判。     

县区社会救助改革中的四大工程

作为党和政府联系人民群众的"桥梁"和"纽带",江西省上饶市信州区民政部门践行科学发展观,在社会求助工作中求"创新",出"实效",把"群众满意"作为落脚点。他们主     

法之正当性基础的断裂与弥合——以休谟问题为基点的考察

休谟问题标志着近代西方哲学世界观的"裂变",事实与价值、思维与存在、主体与客体等一系列两分的概念框架成为新世界现的核心,由此,以一元论为基础的传统自然法对法律正当性的解释受到重大挑战.休谟问题的意义不在于把"是"与"应当"、事实与价值等一系列关系作了"问题化处理",而是经过它的冲击,自然法观念趋于"精细化"了.法之正当性的解释基础由作为客体的"自然"转向作为主体的人之道德.切断了与存在论的联系,作为人类社会建制的法律的正当性能否真正确立,仍然是未决问题."新目的论"为价值的来源作了清晰的说明,也为作为规范的法律的正当性提供了一种有价值的解释.     

“燕台七子”在京活动时间及成员考辨

"燕台七子"作为清初京城著名文学团体,其成员尚有争议。本文通过对"燕台七子"诸成员在京活动时间进行考证,推出结论:"燕台七子"的人员构成,随时间推移而有所变化。周茂源曾作为这一文学团体尚未成型之时的重要成员在京城活动。直到顺治十二年以后,陈祚明入京,周茂源则外放而离开京城,"燕台七子"成员才最终得以确定。     

落“地”生“根”：中国近代工业创成中的传统治理策略——以清光绪年间湖北矿务为例

本文以清光绪年间湖北矿务为个案，分析了一起地方抗阻事件及其处理策略。地方抗阻反映了晚清社会秩序与近代矿业发展之间的张力，而问题的解决之道同样来自晚清的地方治理结构。具体而言，疏解抗阻的过程即是遵循“抚地方之民”的治理逻辑，通过“寻找支持者”与“利益均沾”来弥合张力的过程。这一过程促进了矿局的实际创生，使它以主办官员的关系网络为基础孕生出了地方性，从而得以内嵌于湖北的治理结构中。湖北开采煤铁总局所展现出的地方性可能以更复杂的形态在中国后续的工业组织与制度中得以呈现，“地方”视角有助于我们深入理解工业组织与传统社会秩序之间的关系，尤其是尚未被当前学界充分讨论的后者影响前者的机制与方式。     

The Right to Take Risks: Alcohol and Older People

This paper examines policy and practice regarding the purchase of alcohol for older clients of home carers in three local authorities in the Greater London area. Data were gathered from interviews with home carers and their managers, focus group discussions, and a postal survey. None of the local authorities had a written policy or written guidance on alcohol purchase or on appropriate responses to the identification of problematic drinking in older clients. The findings illustrate the problem of balancing "rights" and "risks" within a philosophy of community care which emphasizes client choice and autonomy, and show how policy and practice are "tailored" by local contexts. It is suggested that both home carers and other domiciliary workers, as well as their older clients, could benefit from a clear code of practice regarding responses to alcohol consumption and problematic drinking by older people.     

论万历《顺天府志》的体例纂修特点与文献价值

万历《顺天府志》是北京历史上第一部保存完整的府志,也是现存最完整的一部明代官修北京志书,具有重要的文献价值。作者从分析其体例结构和纂修特点入手,将它与清人纂修的康熙、光绪《顺天府志》和乾隆《日下旧闻考》作了基本比较,指出志书究竟是篇幅宏大好还是简明扼要好,何为质量上乘的精品佳志,不能一概而论,要作系统研究和具体分析,认为从版本学、方志学、文献学和历史研究而言,万历《顺天府志》都具有不可或缺的重要意义。     

The Spatial Strategy of Equality and the Spatial Division of Welfare

In this paper we argue that little is known about either the geographical objectives or the spatial outputs of the welfare state. Conclusions of geographical inequality are problematic for three main reasons. First, the geographical aims of the welfare state, "the spatial strategy of equality", are unclear. Second, the geographical distributional paradigm is rarely placed in the wider context of local and national welfare states, and the tension between spatial equity and local autonomy is ignored. Third, the geography of welfare, "the spatial division of welfare" is often based on simplistic and confused evidence. Much of the existing work implicitly takes a centralist perspective, assuming that all geographical inequalities are defects. Issues of local government, local politics and local welfare states are ignored. All detected inequality may not be "bad", and greater spatial equity may not necessarily be "good". The spatial division of welfare should not be examined in an analytical vacuum, isolated from the wider contextual issues of national and local services and the trade-off between local autonomy and territorial justice. If the "default value" is that all detected geographical variations are assumed to be defects, then the arguments for localism are doomed to failure.     

“洋芋糁子疙瘩火”的商州民间文化阐释

"洋芋糁子疙瘩火,除了神仙就是我"是商州农民的"口头禅",也是贾平凹商州系列作品中反复出现的文化现象,还是商州人"糊汤情结"的外化,有着丰富的商州民间文化底蕴,寄寓着作家贾平凹一定的人文思想。     

The Local Politics of Inclusion: The State and Community Safety

While the tendency for low-income groups to become economically marginalized may be a structural feature of the globalizing, post-Fordist economy, the degree to which they are allowed to become socially excluded is arguably a political issue. In many of the polities of the Western world, debate has focused not only on whether the State could or should intervene economically to ameliorate the causes of the "new poverty" but also on how the State should address the increasing rates of "social dislocation"—including youth crime, interpersonal violence, and drug misuse—which have been associated with its emergence. The postware welfare settlement produced a particular institutional nexus of welfare, justice, punishment and citizenship (Hay 1996; Garland 1985); yet the pressure of increasing social dislocation has also placed great strain on the institutions of the welfare state, particularly at the local level, notwithstanding the ideological commitment of differing governments to continue with the social welfare project.
In this paper, we explore some circumstances in which the politics of the "local state" might mediate—in one way or another—the consequences of economic marginalization. In particular, we draw attention to the role which might be played by local state agencies—as intermediaries between the individual and the national State—in deploying policies which could offset the social exclusion of minorities and youth. By comparing the responses of local agencies to youth crime in two communities in Britain and France we highlight the "vertical" dimension of political relations which links marginalized communities with the wider resources of the State. And while many economies are experiencing similar social dislocations within disadvantaged communities, the vertical dimension may prove crucial in preserving the linkage between their residents and those of the wider, more privileged, society.     

上海城市新移民与本地人群体关系的交往策略研究

交往策略一直是改善族群关系的最佳策略之一。基于2007年上海市的调查数据，本研究以社会距离作为群体关系的替代性测量指标，通过分析上海城市新移民与本地人的交往情况，分别验证了平等交往、理性交往与实际交往等交往策略的理论假设。研究结果表明，制度性身份平等比职业地位平等更重要；职业竞争问题比职业合作关系更突出；实用性交往行为比情感性交往行为更有效。研究提出，并非所有交往的策略都能显著地改善族群关系，深入的交往策略研究将有利于提高社会融合政策的有效性和针对性。     

“官场+市场”与中国增长故事

本文运用和拓展了“官场+市场”理论,重新解析中国独具特色的经济增长机制以及政府与市场的互动模式。地方官员之间围绕着辖区经济发展的官场竞争嵌入在不同辖区企业之间的市场竞争之中,而辖区企业参与的市场竞争又嵌入在官场竞争之中。作为一种分析框架,“官场+市场”的理论贡献在于揭示了政府与市场的良性互动、政企的有效合作必备的三个条件,即内部的政治激励（“把事做对”）、外部的市场约束（“防止做坏事”）和必要的信息反馈（“做对的事”）。中国“官场+市场”的增长模式在总体上提供了这三个关键条件,在最积极的意义上实现了辖区内政治企业家与民间企业家精神的结合,政治精英与经济精英的结合,中国历史悠久的官僚政治传统与西方国家市场经济传统的结合,为我们揭示中国增长之谜开辟了新的视角。     

Users as Citizens: Collective Action and the Local Governance of Welfare

Self-organization amongst users of community care services preceded the consumerist developments of the 1980s and early 1990s, but can be considered to have been "legitimized" by top-down objectives relating to "user involvement". Nevertheless, the objectives and value bases of disabled people's organizations and organizations of users (or survivors) of mental health services have not always been consistent with those of consumerism, and user groups have experienced tensions in determining the extent to which they should respond to official agendas. Drawing on theories of new social movements and of citizenship, this paper considers the developing place of user organizations within systems of local governance. It looks at the way in which groups have sought to assert the legitimacy both of experiential knowledge and of their position as citizens in the face of official responses which have constructed them as self-interested pressure groups. It draws on empirical research investigating local groups of disabled people and of mental health service users conducted in the first part of the 1990s. It discusses the significance of shared identity as a basis for collective action alongside more pragmatic motivations to influence the nature of health and social care services. In the context of appeals to "community" and "partnership" which are starting to replace the discourse of markets and contracts as the key metaphor for both policy-making and service delivery, the article considers likely future roles for groups comprising people often excluded from community.