Role similarity and complexity in social networks

A new concept of role similarity is presented; this definition is a generalisation of structural equivalence but is stricter than the idea of regular equivalence of White and Reitz (1983). This new definition forms a standard part of graph theory literature and as such has been well researched. Consequently a complexity measure first proposed by Mowshowitz, 1968a, Mowshowitz, 1968b, Mowshowitz, 1968c can be given a definite meaning in terms of network concepts. A new measure of structural complexity based on role similarity is also introduced.     

Graph and semigroup homomorphisms on networks of relations

The algebraic definitions presented here are motivated by our search for an adequate formalization of the concepts of social roles as regularities in social network patterns. The theorems represent significant homomorphic reductions of social networks which are possible using these definitions to capture the role structure of a network. The concepts build directly on the pioneering work of S.F. Nadel (1957) and the pathbreaking approach to blockmodeling introduced by Lorrain and White (1971) and refined in subsequent years (White, Boorman and Breiger 1976;Boorman and White 1976; Arabie, Boorman and Levitt, 1978; Sailer, 1978).Blockmodeling is one of the predominant techniques for deriving structural models of social networks. When a network is represented by a directed multigraph, a blockmodel of the multigraph can be characterized as mapping points and edges onto their images in a reduced multigraph. The relations in a network or multigraph can also be composed to form a semigroup.In the first part of the paper we examine “graph” homomorphisms, or homomorphic mappings of the points or actors in a network. A family of basic concepts of role equivalence are introduced, and theorems presented to show the structure preserving properties of their various induced homomorphisms. This extends the “classic” approach to blockmodeling via the equivalence of positions.Lorrain and White (1971), Pattison (1980), Boyd, 1980, Boyd, 1982, and most recently Bonacich (1982) have explored the topic taken up in the second part of this paper, namely the homomorphic reduction of the semigroup of relations on a network, and the relation between semigroup and graph homomorphisms. Our approach allows us a significant beginning in reducing the complexity of a multigraph by collapsing relations which play a similar “role” in the network.     

Predicting informant accuracy from patterns of recall among individuals

This paper examines the question of informant accuracy in reporting patterns of communication in face-to-face groups. We are attempting to establish the extent to which it is possible to predict individual differences in accuracy from the patterns of recall among informants. We use data from a series of studies by Bernard, Killworth, and Sailer (Killworth and Bernard, 1976, Killworth and Bernard, 1979Bernard and Killworth 1977;Bernard et al., 1980, Bernard et al., 1982) in which they collected observed behavior interaction frequencies and subsequently asked informants to recall and rate the degree of previous communication. In this paper we attempt to predict the accuracy of recall, i.e. how well each individual's ranking corresponds to the overall observed interactions for the group as a whole, by looking solely at the recall ranking. Using this method, we are able to account for a major share of the variance in accuracy among the subjects. We outline a theory and method for predicting accuracy based upon recall data that may be generalized to a variety of situations beyond social interaction data.     

An extension of ebloc to valued graphs

In this paper we show how the algorithm EBLOC can be extended to deal with valued data directly. The technique is then applied to Sampson's (1969) monastery data and comparisons are made with the original EBLOC algorithm.     

Tripartite structural analysis: Generalizing the Breiger-Wilson formalism

Tripartite graphs have three types of nodes and ties exist only between nod this paper, we indicate the background of work in structural analysis that leads to the use of such graphs and we develop the associated matrix methods. Fundamentally, the idea is to move another step forward in our ability to treat in analytical terms the general phenomenon of overlapping inclusions, such as that of persons and groups. We relate this idea to classic concerns with the interpenetration of persons, social systems, and cultural systems. In detail, the framework and results generalize those of Breiger (1974) and Wilson (1982).     

A game theoretic approach to measuring degree of centrality in social networks

We present a new measure of degree of centrality in a social network which is based on a natural extension of the Banzhaf (1965) index of power in an N-person game.     

Bridging ties at the neighborhood level

This paper examines the relevance of the “strength of weak ties” model (Granovetter 1973) in devising community development strategies for urban neighborhoods. The policy implications of this model for activities designed to promote neighborhood identification and cohesion are outlined, and Granovetter's specific assumptions about the structure and functioning of urban neighborhood social networks are assessed in light of existing research. Little support is found for the presumed absence of bridging weak ties among urban neighbors, or for the assumption that strong ties create an obstacle to effective political mobilization in working-class neighborhoods. An alternative model of local-level integration is suggested, which retains Granovetter's concept of dense clusters of network ties linked by “local bridges”, but re-examines the role of weak ties in effecting such bridges.     

Structures of connectivity

From the earliest days of research on blockmodeling, one primary goal was to develop a method that would exploit the algebra of the social relations among individuals to describe the social structure of the group. This goal was reluctantly abandoned, however, because the presence of idiosyncratic relational ties in the data obscured the structure and no reliable method for identifying these ties existed. This paper presents such a method. We have found it useful to distinguish emotionally weak ties (Granovetter 1973), those with low intensity, from structurally weak ties, those that fail to conform to the pattern of ties that exist in and are reinforced by the social structure. The latter type of weak ties are the idiosyncratic ties that interfere with attempts to describe a social structure. This paper operationalizes the concept of structurally weak ties and presents an algebraic method for identifying them in sociometric data. This enables us to use the algebra of social relations to identify a blockmodel that describes the social structure of the group.     

Cultural intermediaries and the circuit of culture: The Digital Ambassadors project in Johannesburg,South Africa

The question raised by Cheney and Christensen (2001) as to “what a non-Western, non-managerial and non-rationalist form of public relations will look like” (p.182), together with the call made by Gregory (2014) for public relations practitioners (PRPs) to be active social change agents, motivated this paper. The aim of this research is to follow a culture-centred approach and apply the circuit of culture (Curtin & Gaither, 2005) to investigate the meanings that young people (aged 18 to 34), as cultural intermediaries, ascribe to their participation in a digital empowerment project implemented by the City of Johannesburg, South Africa. This research forms part of a larger, ongoing multi-disciplinary research project.The research highlights the complexity of projects of this nature, the wide variety of stakeholders involved, the significance of structure, the importance of training of cultural intermediaries, and the benefits such intermediaries gain from their involvement. A key finding is that self-development and financial benefit contribute significantly to the success of cultural intermediaries. This paper contributes to the field of public relations by providing an analysis of cultural intermediaries’ contribution to the circuit of culture as influenced not only by production and consumption but also by identity and regulation as seen in the way they represented the meaning created during their experience.     

Power struggles: A sociological approach to activist communication

This paper proposes an alternative approach to the scholarship of activist public relations, based on the ideas of the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu; notably his understanding of activism in society. Although Bourdieu is one of the most quoted sociologists in the world (Santoro, 2011; Truong & Weill, 2012), his work has only received limited attention in public relations, and has been entirely ignored within the context of activist communication. This is despite his focus on power, relationships and the role of activists in modern democracies, all of which are central themes in public relations practice and research. Based on Bourdieu’s theory of practice, the discipline’s prevailing, dominant, industry serving, functionalist paradigm positions public relations’ role in society as to perpetuate social inequalities. However, drawing on his ideas leads us to question if public relations skills could be equally utilized to challenge existing power imbalances in society, either in support or on behalf of those groups and individuals whose voices have been drowned out by traditional public relations efforts. The author argues that Bourdieu was not only an accomplished scholar, but also an activist in his own right. It is this combination of personal experience with academic ideas that lends weight to his scholarly work through which he urged the scholarly community to utilize their skills, knowledge and research to challenge (perceived) inequalities in society. The emergence of this type of activist academic, committed to giving voice to multiple coexisting, sometimes directly competing points of views, would arguably further justify and strengthen the existence of public relations as a scholarly discipline in its own right.     

Experimenting with dialogue on Twitter: An examination of the influence of the dialogic principles on engagement,interaction, and attitude

Much of the public relations research on online relationship building has examined social media content for the use of the dialogic principles outlined by Kent and Taylor (1998). These studies, using content analysis as the primary methodology, have found that the dialogic capabilities of social media are under-utilized. However, there is limited research on the effectiveness of these methods. Therefore, the goal of this study is to examine the influence of social media content utilizing these principles on engagement, interactivity, and attitude. Results of this study indicate that usefulness of information can have a significant influence on engagement and attitude.     

Thirty Points About Motivation From Skinner’s Book Verbal Behavior

Skinner discussed the topic of motivation in every chapter of the book Verbal Behavior (1957), usually with his preferred terminology of “deprivation, satiation, and aversive stimulation.” In the current paper, direct quotations are used to systematically take the reader through 30 separate points made by Skinner in Verbal Behavior that collectively provide a comprehensive analysis of his position regarding the role of motivation in behavior analysis. In addition, various refinements and extensions of Skinner''s analysis by Jack Michael and colleagues (Laraway, Snycerski, Michael, & Poling, 2003; Michael, 1982, 1988, 1993, 2000, 2004, 2007) are incorporated, along with suggestions for research and applications for several of the points.     

Using ordinal variables to measure multidimensional poverty in Egypt and Jordan

This paper examines the empirical relevance of recent methodological refinements to the “counting approach” to multidimensional poverty measurement. It provides an empirical illustration based on data available in the Demographic and Health Surveys of Egypt and Jordan. The paper relies on the general framework proposed by Silber and Yalonetzky (2013) to compare multidimensional poverty measures, such as the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) and others that are sensitive to the distribution of deprivation counts among individuals. It thus computes the measures introduced by Chakravarty and D’Ambrosio, 2006 and Rippin (2010) as well as indices based on the extension of the Aaberge and Peluso (2012), suggested by Silber and Yalonetzky (2013). It appears that it is useful to consider several multidimensional poverty measures when analyzing national poverty trends and when making a distinction between urban and rural areas.     

HPV vaccination campaign fear visuals: An eye-tracking study exploring effects of visual attention and type on message informative value,recall, and behavioral intentions

HPV is the most common sexually transmitted disease, and there are alarming global disparities in cervical cancer and HPV vaccination uptake (CDC, 2016a). To inform HPV vaccination public health campaigns, an experiment with a psychophysiological measure (eye-tracking) explores the effects of visual attention to vaccination messages on message recall, informative value, and behavioral intentions. Results indicate 1) visual type affects recall and informative value of vaccination messages as well as intentions to vaccinate; 2) visual attention is negatively related to message recall only when a non-fear visual is used; and 3) visual attention predicts intent to vaccinate only when a fear visual is utilized. These results suggest the use of fear appeals in health, crisis, and risk public relations campaigns may promote performance of recommended safeguarding behaviors.     

Motivational Interviewing Intervention With College Student Tobacco Users: Providers' Beliefs and Behaviors

Abstract

Objective: This study assessed college student health providers' use of Motivational Interviewing (MI) with tobacco users, as well as their beliefs about the use of brief interventions to help college student tobacco users quit. MI is recommended by the United States Public Health Service to increase tobacco users' willingness to quit. Participants: Participants included 83 clinicians from health clinics at 7 different universities in North Carolina. Methods: Paper-and-pencil baseline survey from a cluster randomized trial of college student health clinicians. Results: Twenty-two percent of respondents reported always or usually using MI during the past month for tobacco-using patients not ready to make a quit attempt. Student health providers also reported information with regards to their beliefs about tobacco cessation treatment, barriers to intervening with patients, and confidence in motivating students to consider quitting. Conclusions: Results highlight the need to encourage clinicians' use of motivationally focused interventions with student tobacco users.

Motivational Interviewing Intervention With College Student Tobacco Users: Providers' Beliefs and Behaviors

All authors

Robert S. McNamara PhD, Eunyoung Y. Song PhD, Beth A. Reboussin PhD, John Spangler MD, Jessica R. Pockey MPH, Caroline Kimes BS, Kristie L. Foley PhD & Erin L. Sutfin PhD

https://doi.org/10.1080/07448481.2014.1003376

Published online:

11 May 2015

TABLE 1. Providers' Beliefs About Patient Tobacco Intervention and Cessation (N = 83)

CSVDisplay Table

     

An Underdiscussed Aspect of Chomsky (1959)

Chomsky''s (1959) review of Skinner''s (1957) Verbal Behavior has been influential and attributed with a role in the cognitive revolution. However, while counter reviews from within behavior analysis have noted that Chomsky misunderstood the subject matter, certain aspects of his scholarship have been underdiscussed. This includes several instances where Chomsky misquotes Skinner or takes his quotes out of context. Similar to the findings of Sokal (1996a, 1996b), it is speculated that the problems with Chomsky were overlooked by cognitive psychologists because his general outlook was accepted. Implications for the editorial review process are discussed.

Transgressing disciplinary boundaries . . . [is] a subversive undertaking since it is likely to violate the sanctuaries of accepted ways of perceiving. Among the most fortified boundaries have been those between the natural sciences and the humanities.—Greenberg (1990, p. 1), as quoted in Sokal (1996a)Every man has a right to his opinion, but no man has a right to be wrong in his facts.—attributed to Bernhard Mannes Baruch (Montapert, 1964, p. 145)

Areas of study are sometimes profoundly affected by people outside them. For example, the linguist Noam Chomsky is familiar to many psychologists for his influence in the cognitive revolution, the major shift in the orientation of American psychology from behavioral to cognitive in the 1960s and 1970s (e.g., Auyang, 2000, p. 105; Erneling, 1997; Hunt, 1982, p. 217; Kosslyn & Rosenberg, 2001, p. 238). Some have even suggested that Chomsky''s (1959) review of B. F. Skinner''s (1957) Verbal Behavior, the latter''s theoretical account of how language can be explained in behavioral terms, was responsible for initiating the cognitive revolution (e.g., Bialystock, 1997; Harnish, 2002, p. 44).When Chomsky set out to write his review, he faced a daunting task. While apparently well read in certain areas such as political theory, there is little to indicate he had any previous exposure to psychology except for psychoanalysis (Barsky, 1997) and through linguists who have drawn upon psychology, such as Bloomfield (1933). Psychology in general in the early and mid-20th century was broad and diverse (e.g., Heidbreder, 1933; Hilgard & Bower, 1966), and so too was behavioral psychology. At that time “behaviorism” was used to refer a variety of behavior-oriented work, such as the strict methodological behaviorism of John B. Watson (e.g., Watson, 1913, 1924), the mathematical modeling with intervening variables of Clark L. Hull''s school (e.g., Hull, 1943, 1951, 1952), and the eclectic, molar, purposive behaviorism of Edward C. Tolman (e.g., Tolman, 1922, 1932, 1948), each with its own assumptions and terminologies. Skinner''s approach, radical behaviorism, differed from all of them in that he recognized the fundamental respondent-operant distinction (Skinner, 1935, 1937, 1938, p. 61ff., 1953, pp. 45–90), accepted the reality of private events, and rejected purely hypothetical mental constructs (Skinner, 1945). Verbal Behavior was very specifically based on Skinner''s approach, and any reviewer would have to understand this to do the job properly.Behavior analysts’ responses to Chomsky''s (1959) review of Verbal Behavior have not been positive (e.g., MacCorquodale, 1970; McLeish & Martin, 1975; Richelle, 1976); their counter reviews generally have noted that Chomsky fundamentally misunderstood the subject matter and emphasized major points where he differed from Skinner. The existing counter reviews, however, do not exhaust the problems with Chomsky. An especially important yet underdiscussed problem of Chomsky is the poor quality of his scholarship, which, to this author''s best knowledge, has not been previously addressed. The purpose of this paper is to address this issue and discuss its implications for future literature reviews.

Chomsky''s Review of Skinner

As noted above, Chomsky''s apparent understanding of radical behaviorism was poor, and at numerous points he makes claims not supported by the existing literature. Some parts of his review, such as citing a supporting claim that stimuli cannot be manipulated (Chomsky, 1959, p. 31, footnote 5) demonstrate severe problems with his understanding of the subject matter, and his handling of the most basic terms was so poor that Richelle (1976) said his “misunderstanding . . . would prompt most examination graders to read no further.”Many serious problems in this area have already been discussed by the above-mentioned counter reviewers; these include instances where Chomsky misattributed views to Skinner that clearly belong to others. For example, Chomsky (1959, p. 28) in describing response strength claimed: “The strength of an operant is defined by Skinner in terms of the rate of response during extinction. . . .” Skinner never claimed this, but rather defined it as the probability a response will occur under certain circumstances (Skinner, 1957, p. 22). MacCorquodale (1970) noted that rate of response during extinction was actually Hull''s definition of probability (Hull, 1943, pp. 260–262), and claiming that Skinner accepted this definition given his criticism of Hull''s work (Skinner, 1944) would be difficult to justify. Several other of Chomsky''s errors may have resulted from his failing to distinguish Skinner''s views from those of others. For example, Chomsky claimed that Skinner said “that children can learn language only through ‘meticulous care’ on the part of adults who shape their verbal repertoire through careful differential reinforcement” (Chomsky, p. 42) and that it is part of “the doctrine of Skinner and others that slow and careful shaping of verbal behavior through differential reinforcement is an absolute necessity” (op. cit., p. 42). Aside from the fact that other people''s doctrines are irrelevant here, nowhere does Skinner make this claim. Chomsky may have actually been reacting to Miller and Dollard (1941, p. 82), who in a discussion on language acquisition wrote: “The child is given meticulous training in connecting words to objects and connecting acts to words.” Skinner (1957), however, says almost nothing about language acquisition and certainly did not describe it as arising from a laborious and intentional shaping procedure. Chomsky (pp. 35, 52), perhaps supposing all responses would act like respondents, also wrongly indicated that a “strong” (operant) verbal response should, according to Skinner, necessarily be a high-pitched scream. However, as Skinner (1950, p. 196) noted,

In the sort of behavior adapted to the Pavlovian experiment (respondent behavior) there may be a progressive increase in the magnitude of response during learning. But we do not shout our responses louder and louder as we learn verbal material, nor does a rat press a lever harder and harder as conditioning proceeds. In operant behavior the energy or magnitude of response changes significantly only when some arbitrary value is differentially reinforced—when such a change is what is learned.

Not all of Chomsky''s errors involved confounding views or pure misunderstandings. There are several instances in Chomsky (1959) where Skinner is quoted out of context or the quote is incorrect such that Skinner''s views are not accurately portrayed. A few examples follow.

1. The above-mentioned false definition of response strength was again made when Chomsky (1959, p. 34) claimed that “Skinner has argued that this [rate of emission during extinction] is ‘the only datum that varies significantly and in the expected direction under conditions which are relevant to the “learning process.” The actual quote from Skinner (1950, p. 198) began with “Rate of responding appears to be the only datum which [sic] varies significantly. . . .” Extinction was not mentioned at all. Furthermore, this occurred in a discussion of learning theories, far removed from anything Chomsky discussed.
2. Chomsky (1959, p. 34) claimed that Skinner said that “the frequency of the response may be ‘primarily attributable to the frequency of occurrence of controlling variables’ . . . .” The actual sentence in Skinner (1957, p. 27) was “Nor can we be sure that frequency is not primarily attributable to the frequency of occurrence of controlling variables.” This occurred in a discussion of factors affecting frequency, during which Skinner emphasized that, contrary to the practice of “word counts” used in formal analyses of language, “it is also important to know the prevailing conditions,” that is, the circumstances under which they occur. Skinner was expressing a possibility or an uncertainty, which Chomsky failed to acknowledge.
3. Chomsky (1959, p. 34, footnote 9) quoted from Skinner (1950, p. 199) regarding allegedly using “the notion of probability in analyzing or formulating instances of even types of behavior which are not susceptible to this analysis.” Chomsky used this quote in a discussion in which he attacked Skinner''s usage of probability (and failed; see MacCorquodale, 1970). However, the passage from Skinner occurred at the end of a paragraph discussing complex activities that, as a whole, may never be repeated by the individual. In the same paragraph, Skinner (p. 199) said,

They are not simple unitary events lending themselves to prediction as such. If we are to predict marriage, success, accident, and so on, in anything more than statistical terms, we must deal with the smaller units of behavior which lead to and compose these unitary episodes. If the units appear in repeatable form, the present analysis may be applied.

Chomsky, however, attempted to apply this analysis to language behaviors, which typically involve a large number of units that may occur very frequently; thus the limitations that may apply to predicting marriage, success, accident, and so on as wholes are irrelevant to Skinner''s program. Chomsky acknowledged none of this.4. Chomsky (1959, p. 35, footnote 10), in discussing pitch, quoted Skinner as saying “Fortunately, ‘In English this presents no great difficulty’ since, for example, ‘relative pitch levels . . . are not . . . important,’” the “this” apparently referring to that pitch, among things, has linguistic functions (pp. 34–35). He further indicated (op. cit.): “No reference is made to the numerous studies of the function of relative pitch levels and other intonational features in English.” The implication is that Skinner ignored the importance of pitch and intonation in actual speech. But what Skinner (1957, p. 25) actually wrote was:

In English, this [energy level, speed of response, and even repetition entering into the construction of different forms of response] presents no great difficulty. Absolute levels of pitch and intensity are not “distinctive,” nor are relative pitch levels important. Changes in pitch, however, distinguish different types of utterance.

Skinner then discussed the functions of pitch in English. While Skinner and Chomsky may have disagreed about their exact functions, it is clear that Skinner did not contend that intonation or pitch in English were completely “unimportant” as Chomsky implied.5. Chomsky (1959, p. 52, footnote 42) quipped, “Similarly, ‘the universality of a literary work refers to the number of potential readers inclined to say the same thing’ (. . . i.e., the most ‘universal’ work is a dictionary of clichés and greetings).” However, the paragraph in Skinner (1957, pp. 274–275) this quote was taken from begins:

A reader seeks out other works of a given writer or other literature of a given type because of the reinforcement he has received. The reinforcement depends upon his own verbal behavior. A thematic correspondence between a reader and a literary work is likely to involve a matching of variables in the fields of motivation and emotion. The universality of a literary work refers to the number of potential readers inclined to say the same thing, at least in some measure. The success of a book is some indication of the number of people who possess a given kind of verbal behavior in strength.

In other words, a work has “universality” when readers would be likely to say something similar in content to the work, not specific utterances.6. Chomsky (1959, p. 53) claimed that “Skinner considers a sentence to be a set of key responses (nouns, verbs, adjectives) on a skeletal frame” and then proceeded to criticize Skinner as if this was his position. However, the actual quote was: “Others [other sentences] are nearly complete skeletal ‘frames’ upon which an exceptional response or two may be hung” (Skinner, 1957, p. 346), and this was not presented as the sole possibility. Rather, it was part of a much longer chapter (pp. 344–367) in which Skinner discussed how verbal responses are combined. Much of this involves a class of responses called autoclitics (p. 311ff.), which are verbal operants whose occurrence depends in part on the occurrence of other verbal operants; in Skinner''s hypothesis, grammar results from an interaction of autoclitics with other verbal operants. For example, when one is confronted by the appropriate stimulating conditions (seeing a hungry man) one would not only emit such responses as hungry and man, but also autoclitics related to the specificity of the situation (the) and occurrence (is) to produce a longer, structured utterance (The man is hungry; Skinner, p. 345). Not all sentences are necessarily created this way, and in the quote Chomsky cites, Skinner does indicate some may be partially or completely preformed; however, he certainly did not claim all were.