略论阿拉伯国家经济现状及其中阿(宁夏)经贸合作

本文分析了目前阿拉伯国家的经济现状,认为阿拉伯世界的市场贸易虽然呈现不断增长的发展趋势,但大多数阿拉伯国家和地区严重依赖粮食进口的状况以及阿拉伯国家市场上呈现出错综复杂的竞争态势却不容乐观。因此,中国与阿拉伯国家在内的西亚北非地区的经贸关系发展充满了机遇与挑战。双方良好的政治关系和巨大的经济互补性为经贸合作的深入开展奠定了坚实基础,但这一地区政治形势的脆弱性和经济结构的单一性,却为双方经贸关系的顺利发展带来挑战。文章最后进一步提出促进中阿经贸健康持续发展的建议对策和各种协调机制,并特别强调要实现中阿经贸论坛机制化和长效化的途径在于细化配套措施,发挥论坛的倍增效应。     

后殖民时代移民问题的本质与政治共同体的重建

移民运动是世界历史的重要内容。由移民现象带来的社会张力 ,在现代历史的各个阶段和现代世界各个地区都普遍存在。本文从后殖民时代移民问题的本质、移民问题与民族国家政治结构的内在张力、一体化进程中主流政党社会政策的缺位、移民问题与现代世界体系的结构性矛盾等角度 ,提出了移民权利和政治共同体的重建问题 ,以及移民问题的解决与现代世界体系改造之间的逻辑联系。作者认为 ,后殖民时代的移民运动与以往移民运动的一个根本区别是外来移民与当地社会之间的角色互换 ,这种角色互换是后殖民时代移民问题的本质所在 ,也是移民问题成为世界关注之焦点的本质原因。     

霸权与话语控制——评《西方霸权语境中的阿拉伯-伊斯兰问题研究》

近读马丽蓉教授的力作《西方霸权语境中的阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题研究》一书,颇有所感。本书从媒体传播这个角度出发剖析西方与阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界关系这一当代国际政治中热点话题,观点较为新颖,具有一定的启发意义。本书的立论基础是,西方国家尤其是美国在强大的硬实力的支持下,通过其手中掌握的强势传媒力量,主导了当前全球舆论的议程制定权,使全球的话语体系为美国的利益和霸权服务。正是在这种大的背景下,阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题研究受到了很大程度的误导和歪曲。“国际政治不平等与国际传媒不民主,两者之间形成了互为因果的关系。[”1](P13)因…     

试论唐、宋时期伊斯兰教在东南地区的传播和发展

唐、宋时期是中国封建社会商品经济高度发展,政治、经济、文化各个领域高度发达的时期。处于同一时段的阿拉伯半岛也因为伊斯兰教的兴起而告别"蒙昧",走入文明时代。当时共处世界东方的唐宋王朝与阿拉伯王朝随着东西交通的开放,两国间政治、经济、文化、军事等领域交往频繁,伊斯兰教也随着阿拉伯、波斯商人的入华而传入中国。本文从原始史料入手,意在厘清唐、宋时期伊斯兰教传入中国东南部分地区的具体过程,并尝试分析其中的原因,发现其中的规律。     

以色列阿拉伯基督徒社团的德鲁兹化及其影响

冷战结束后以色列阿拉伯基督徒社团在国内政治、经济和社会等领域的地位都发生了较大变化，促使其沿着“以色列-德鲁兹模式”展现出明显的德鲁兹化趋势。阿拉伯基督徒社团与德鲁兹社团相比，人口规模相当、文化均较为独特、历史境遇类似、面临现状趋同，这成为阿拉伯基督徒社团德鲁兹化的前提基础，其发展经历了三个阶段：以色列建国初期的萌芽阶段、冷战时期的消极阶段以及后冷战时代的积极阶段。阿拉伯基督徒社团的德鲁兹化具有时代特征鲜明、兵役制度优先和利益决定效果三大特征，对以色列境内其他阿拉伯群体、对以色列民族国家的构建都产生了影响，对以色列国进行族群治理有一定的积极推动作用。但是阿拉伯基督徒社团的德鲁兹化进程在该社团内部存在分歧，在社团外部也引发了争议，因而可能会朝着曲折前行的方向发展。     

创建中华民族的共同文化,应对21世纪中国面临的严峻挑战

21世纪是一个各国之间在经济发展、金融贸易、资源获取、科技创新、文化交流和外交攻防等领域开展激烈竞争的时代,在竞争态势下,各国需要关注本国软实力的建设。首先,需要保持和加强全体国民对所属国家的高度政治认同。其次,作为国家政治认同的文化基础,需要建设和加强全体国民对共同意识形态和社会价值体系的追求。再次,是整体国民素质和创新能力的提高。一个现代国家,只有在以上三个方面不断提升内部的政治、文化凝聚力,不断增强国民文明素质和文化自信心,才能在与世界各国的政治、经济、文化交流中寻求价值观的共性并占领道德制高点,赢得国际社会与各国民众的理解和尊重。本文讨论的主题是在当前国际、国内形势下我国应当如何加强国民对国家的政治认同,并建设一个全国56个民族成员共同认可的中华文化。     

《西方霸权语境中的阿拉伯-伊斯兰问题研究》序

上海外国语大学中东研究所博士、教授马丽蓉的新著《西方霸权语境中的阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题研究》以全新的视角分析了中东地区和国家涉及伊斯兰教的诸多问题,介绍了西方传媒的各种立场,对其进行了辨析,资料翔实,论证客观。这是一本难得的深入论述阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题的好书。书中处处显示了学术的尊严、学者的良知以及作者公正的学术品质。全书卷首为前言,正文12章,第一章西方传媒与阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题研究:东西方传媒发展现状,美国、以色列与阿拉伯国家的对外宣传,西方传媒臆造阿拉伯—伊斯兰形象的历史;第二章美国与阿拉伯—伊斯兰国家媒体对阵概述,美国对阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界舆论战之策略及其表现,修复"美国形象"以缓和仇美情绪之要措及其得失,阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界抵抗美国舆论战之策略及其经验,美阿舆论对阵的制约因素及其后果;第三章最敏感的传播话题——伊斯兰妇女问题文化辨析:《古兰经》中的女性关怀思想,伊斯兰妇女问题误读要点辨析,西方传媒语境中"伊斯兰反妇女"论之成因;第四章最漫长的传播焦点:耶路撒冷问题文化探源,缘起于三大传说的夺圣地与争国土之冲突,缘起于复杂"朝圣情结"的宗教、土地与种族等冲突,缘起于耶城的巴以和平走向的判定与预测;第五章西方传媒的泄愤之作:"9.11"袭击事件,"9.11"事件报道回放,是政治事件,也是传媒杰作,逼迫"9.11"事件真相,求索真相,质疑"反恐",强势媒体搅动"9.11"后的国际政坛,事件效应,显而易见;第六章西方传媒的反思之作:伦敦连环大爆炸,伦敦大爆炸与"伦敦斯坦现象",伦敦大爆炸与欧洲穆斯林移民问题,伦敦大爆炸与文明对话问题;第七章西方传媒的就景之作:"阿拉伯民主之春",西方传媒所爆炒的"阿拉伯民主之春",美国所推行的"大中东民主改造",中东所要实现的"捍卫文化尊严与民族国家利益的民主","大中东"民主出路何在?第八章西方传媒的蓄谋之作:阻碍中阿合作的传媒因素,西方传媒精心臆造"中国威胁论",西方传媒苦心营构"好战而恐怖的伊斯兰",积极的应因对策,乐观的合作前景,关于文化安全策略的若干建言;第九章身份危机:阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化认同及其重构,阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化面临身份危机,阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化认同的成败得失,在辩证、多元、务实中重构阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化;第十章心灵遭挫:阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界群体文化心理蠡测,失落感的形成及其表现,受辱感的形成及其表现,阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界现状透视,历史情绪与现实困境交织而成的心理死结;第十一章美国"双重标准"与阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题之解决:美国在中东实行双重标准的主要表现,美国在全世界尤其是中东地区实行双重,西方传媒的泄愤之作:"9.11"袭击事件;西方传媒的反思之作:伦敦连环大爆炸;心灵遭挫:阿拉伯—伊斯兰世界群体文化心理蠡测;美国的"双重标准"与阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题之解决;西方霸权语境与文明对话和文化自觉之构建。在书的封底,作者也作了这样高度的概括:拥有强势传媒的西方国家尤其是美国,以引导全球议题、设置传播框架及营制舆论环境等方式掌控了国际传媒的话语霸权,我们所接受的国际事件,亦多掺杂了西方霸权政治及其学术的立场和观点,臆造、妄论在所难免,"恐伊症"蔓延全球即为此种文化霸权之产物。在美阿关系已成为影响国际政治重要因素、西方将阿拉伯—伊斯兰问题置于全新语境下进行诠释,以期达到辨析真伪、还原本我的研究目的。为此,本刊特地发表对这本书的3篇评论文章,以飨读者。     

试析冷战后民族主义浪潮对国际关系的影响及其发展趋势

20世纪80年代末、90年代初,第三次民族主义浪潮席卷全球,对后冷战时代的国际关系产生了重大而深远的影响.这样的民族主义浪潮使世界地缘政治版图进一步碎片化;导致的恐怖主义,构成当代非传统安全领域的一个重点;民族主义的发展,引起国际社会对世界上一些国家和地区的少数民族生存状况和合法权益重视与保护.展望未来,欧洲,特别是西欧国家的排外主义浪潮、网络民族主义的发展、经济民族主义与文化民族主义这三个发展方向将引人关注.     

文明对话与大中东改革

伊斯兰世界在抗议和反对“文明冲突论”的过程中提出了文明对话的主张,美国在伊战后提出了全面控制和改造中东的大中东计划。本文从伊斯兰世界的宗教文化、改革文化和政治文化三个层面分析归纳了阿拉伯、伊斯兰国家在美国大中东计划出台前后,开展改革初期的文化观察点和当前处境,旨在引起我国回族学者的关心和兴趣,推动、深化和提高我国对伊斯兰文化的研究工作。     

以宽广的眼界和战略的思维观察和研究当今世界民族问题

当今世界,和平与发展仍然是时代的主题,但天下仍很不太平。纵观全球一些热点地区发生的冲突和战争,大都与民族问题处理不当或外国势力插手民族纠纷有关系。回顾过去,有两种历史现象值得我们注意:一是民族问题往往是引发一些国家和地区冲突或战争的根源之一。在21世纪,世界形势变了,但民族问题成为某些国家或地区冲突的诱因的现象没有改变。民族问题仍然是困扰国际社会的难点问题。二是民族问题已经成为世界性的普遍性问题,对国际社会和世界格局的影响不可忽视。民族问题常常同政治问题、宗教问题交织在一起,成为国家的政治生活和人们社会生…     

The dynamics of negation: identity formation among Palestinian Arab college students inside the green line

How does granting certificates of ‘business clean of Arab workers’ to owners of shops, stores, and Jewish businesses who prove they are not employing Arab workers shape identity? Identity development involves making sense of, and coming to terms with, the social world one inhabits, recognizing choices and making decisions within contexts, and finding a sense of unity within one's self while claiming a place in the world. Since there is no objective, ahistoric, universal trans-cultural identity, views of identity must be historically and culturally situated. This paper explores identity issues among members of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel. While there is a body of literature exploring this subject, we will offer a different perspective by contextualizing the political and economic contexts that form an essential foundation for understanding identity formation among this minority group. We argue that, as a genre of settler colonialism, ‘pure settlement colonies’ involve the conquering not only of land, but of labor as well, excluding the natives from the economy. Such an exclusion from the economy is significant for its cultural, social, and ideological consequences, and therefore is especially significant in identity formation discussed in the paper. We briefly review existing approaches to the study of identity among Palestinian Arabs in Israel, and illustrate our theoretical contextual framework. Finally, we present and discuss findings from a new study of identity among Palestinian Arab college students in Israel through the lens of this framework.     

海洛因、性、血液及其制品的流动与艾滋病、性病的传播

艾滋病或性病的传播在时空上是不平衡的 ,它是与海洛因、性、血液及其制品的流动以及一系列特定的政治经济与社会文化制度交织在一起的。从一定意义上说 ,艾滋病的蔓延暗示着社会的不平等以及社会变迁与社会文化制度不相协调的问题。本文基于作者在云南四个村落的田野调查以及对河南一个村落的访问 ,对艾滋病和性病在我国传播、蔓延的政治经济和社会文化背景做了描述和讨论。     

陆荣廷政权在边疆民族经济融合进程中运用的政府和民间两种力量

陆荣廷为首的桂系集团是一个复杂的政治群体,对其历史作用应进行多元化评价。他们利用政府和民间两种力量清除了部分落后的社会政治制度和邪恶势力,扩大了近代经济制度和社会经济组织的影响,在一定程度上奠定了广西新的政治和经济格局。同时推动了边疆民族经济融合的程度进一步加深。     

“第四世界”论说源流及浅析

20世纪70年代中期产生的"第四世界"这一可归属于人类学、民族学学科的观念,如今已发展为一套渐趋完整的、理论色彩浓厚的论说或思想。它从土著民自身而非"他者"的视角出发,明确地主张土著民是具有与其他群体不同特点和性质的群体;在整个人类世界的视野下,全面考察各地区土著民在经济、政治、文化等方面的处境及其因由,并提出相应对策,对日益壮大的全球土著民运动具有不可忽视的指导意义和深远的影响。追溯该论说之源头,分析其架构和内涵,归纳其显著特征,有助于我国学术界较为深入地理解土著民运动这一当今世界重大的族际关系问题。     

试论伊斯兰教在西夏的流传

西夏时期,境内活动有不少阿拉伯人,西夏和阿拉伯世界有正常的政治、经贸交往。阿拉伯人将伊斯兰教传入西夏,马可波罗所见西夏末期伊斯兰教的流传情况,正是最好的说明,只不过伊斯兰教在西夏的影响远远不及佛、道二教。     

What They Really Want Is a Caliphate! British Salafi Reactions to the Arab Spring

This contribution discusses the lack of references to the success of Salafi parties in the Middle East after the Arab Spring, in Egypt especially, by groups who self-identify as Salafi outside the Middle East. In their interpretation of the uprisings known as the Arab Spring, British Salafis have emphasised that Arab Muslim populations in the Middle East want an Islamic Caliphate despite cries for liberal rights and democracy. The aim of this contribution is to provide a theoretical frame for analysing a type of European Salafism on the rise preoccupied with establishing “Sharia Zones” and controlling fellow Muslims’ observance of Islamic principles in British cities but with little interest in political developments in Muslim majority countries. Rather than working for political influence, the British so-called Salafis in al-Muhajiroun are preoccupied with defining a place of their own in their European context. Thus, the argument is that in order to understand current Salafi-inspired movements in the Middle East and Europe, it is necessary to analyse practice, rhetorical expressions and political context rather than how various groups self-identify.     

British Constructions with Constitutions: The Formal and Informal Nature of 'Island' Relations on Montserrat and Gibraltar

This article explores social, economic and political relations on two British Dependent Territories (BDTs) -- Montserrat and Gibraltar. This article notes that though BDTs are British colonial constructions, created, sustained and modelled upon and by Britain, they differ from Britain in that they have political constitutions. They also exhibit an ambiguous dependence and independence upon and with Britain. This article goes on to look at social and economic relations on Montserrat and Gibraltar before comparing and contrasting the political climates on each BDT. Throughout this article, it is suggested that there is a dynamic tension between formal and informal aspects to managing life. Finally, this article concludes with a discussion about the suitability of the split between Executive and Legislative Councils in these two BDTs.     

Crime,politics and police in the Palestinian's society in Israel

This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered.     

New Identity/Identities Formulation in a Post‐Nomadic Community: The Case of the Bedouin of the Negev

Research conducted by the author in the mid‐1990s found that while the bedouin culture and lifestyle in Israel's Negev Desert has been altered significantly as community members were resettled in stone houses, surrendered their camels for automobiles and entered the wage labour workforce, an expressed ‘bedouin’ identity remained strong. Indeed, it was found that rather than integrate the bedouin into the Jewish‐Israeli social mainstream, coerced settlement only served, if anything, to Arabise and Islamicise communal identity. Using evidence gathered in 2000 in the planned bedouin town of Segev Shalom/Shqeb, this study serves as a follow‐up analysis of more recent changes found in bedouin identity formulation. The data will reveal that ‘bedouin’ identity remains, but that it is on the slow decline. In its place, two new identity/identities matrices have formed: the Arab/Palestinian/Muslim matrix and the bedouin/Israeli matrix. It will be shown that these expressed identity/identities matrices are not randomly chosen or expressed, but rather have evolved out of the social, economic and political environments within which the settled Negev bedouin community is situated.     

From Left to Right: The Changing Identity of the Chilean Political Class

This article examines the changing role of important sections of the Chilean political elites, from a Keynesian and Marxist cultural political and economic ethos, to a post-modernist set of values profoundly influenced by the ideas of free markets and state withdrawal, as proposed by Hayek and Friedman. From strong support for, and identification with, the role of the state as agent of change, social justice and social mobility, significant sections of the Chilean political class have come to accept the globalisation of the world economy and its determination of internal politics. Values such as solidarity and equalitarianism have given way to individualism and selfishness. Whether these changes reflect genuine commitment or tactical adaptation remains to be seen, but they are likely anyway to undermine the legitimacy of the democratic regime which replaced the 16 year dictatorship of the military under General Augusto Pinochet. The lack of real alternative societal models does not augur well for the fragile Chilean democracy.