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1.
黄嘉文 《社会》2016,36(2):123-145
本文立足于社会规范视角,以中国综合社会调查(CGSS)数据为基础,考察与分析区域层次的收入不平等对居民幸福感的影响及其机制。结果显示,当前中国的收入不平等会损害个人对幸福的积极体验。与高收入群体相比,低收入群体更容易产生这种负向感知。相对剥夺和关系信任构成的社会心理过程是影响收入不平等与个人幸福感关系的重要机制,资源供给机制未获调查数据的支持。在此基础上,本文认为,国民幸福感的高低并非取决于收入不平等本身,而是分配体系构建的合理性。所以,建立具有公平正义价值导向的收入分配体系是提升中国居民幸福感的发展方向。  相似文献   

2.
Objective. This study examines the conditions under which minorities will face policy inequity within the educational system. It turns to the theory of representative bureaucracy as one possible explanation, and extends the literature by considering whether African‐American students benefit from the presence of Latinos on teaching faculties and vice versa. This study also tests competing theories of how racial context influences minority educational policy outcomes. Methods. This study combines original survey data with data gathered by the U.S. Census to predict levels of academic grouping in U.S. school districts as reported by the Office of Civil Rights. Results. Minority teachers lower levels of discrimination among all minority students, not just co‐ethnics. Moreover, minority teachers do so consistently and with a substantive impact that occasionally rivals that of co‐ethnic teachers. The findings also suggest that greater levels of racial/ethnic diversity within a district are associated with lower levels of discrimination. Conclusion. Theories of race relations must move beyond black‐Anglo or Latino‐Anglo relations to consider how multiple racial/ethnic groups interact, and how such interactions affect the lives of minority groups differently.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines, experimentally, whether inequality affects the social capital of trust in non-market and market settings. We consider three experimental treatments, one with equality, one with inequality but no knowledge of the income of other agents, and one with inequality and knowledge. Inequality, particularly when it is known, has a corrosive effect on trusting behaviours in this experiment. Agents appear to be less sensitive to known relative income differentials in markets than they are in the non-market settings, but trust in markets appears generally more vulnerable to the introduction of inequality than in the non-market setting.  相似文献   

4.
The “great divergence” of America's rich from its middle class and poor has led some observers to see a country increasingly stratified by income and wealth, more so than by race. In this article, the first in a two‐part series, we argue that this conclusion overlooks the persistent importance of the racial “structure” of inequality. A decomposition of income inequality between 1980 and 2010 using the Theil Index shows that inequality between racial groups accounts for a rising share of total income inequality over this period nationally and in most states. We also demonstrate that within‐state trends in the between‐race component of inequality are not fully accounted for by trends in income inequality and racial diversity per se. These findings lay the groundwork for a forthcoming companion piece in Social Science Quarterly that shows that between‐race inequality is strongly linked to welfare policy outcomes in the United States.  相似文献   

5.
In 1965, when affirmative action officially became part of the national consensus to achieve racial social justice, it was based on the compelling justification of establishing equality and remedying the effects of past discrimination. Since then, there has been a slow but steady shift from "equity" to "diversity" as its rationale. The shift has had a negative effect on achieving the original goal of racial equality. The diversity rationale has permitted parallel procedures to evolve that provided majority students with an even larger differential advantage than that conferred on minority students by affirmative action. In addition, we continue to have massive segregation. Minorities are concentrated in second level schools in urban areas, while whites are concentrated in higher quality institutions in the educational suburbs. It is without factual or legal foundation that whites can argue that they (relative to minorities) are the victims of discrimination through unfair and unequal educational policies and practices that determine access to higher education.  相似文献   

6.
The explosion in the number of people coming from a multiracial heritage has generated an increased need for understanding the experiences and consequences associated with coming from a multiracial background. In addition, the emergence of a multiracial identity challenges current thinking about race, forcing scholars to generate new ideas about intergroup relations, racial stigmatization, social identity, social perception, discrimination, and the intersectionality of race with other social categories such as social class. The present issue brings together research and theory in psychology, sociology, education, culture studies, and public policy surrounding multiracial identity and introduces new advances in thinking about race, intergroup relations, and racial identity. In exploring multiracial identity, the issue will reexamine conceptualization of race and racial identification by examining the social experiences of multiracial individuals.  相似文献   

7.
本文按研究对象将收入差距划分为总体收入差距和组群收入差距两大类,从收入不平等、极化和组群收入差距三个层面梳理了收入差距的测度及其分解方法。其中,收入不平等侧重于对总体收入差距的刻画;极化着眼于收入分布中的“聚集”或“扎堆”现象,其衡量指标大体上可分为两极分化测度指标和多极分化测度指标。在收入差距的分解上,Shapley分解和组群收入差距的分布分解方法都是较为前沿的研究领域。文章还强调了各种收入差距衡量指标或分解方法的适用性和针对性,以便有的放矢地选用合适的相关指标和方法,更精准地探寻收入差距的成因。  相似文献   

8.
魏钦恭 《社会》2005,40(2):204-240
本文辨析和检验了收入不平等的两种表现形式及其对公众容忍度的影响效应。研究结果显示,客观收入差距对公众容忍度并无直接影响,而感知的收入差距越大,对不平等的厌恶倾向越明显。但客观差距大并不意味着个体感知到的差距大,感知偏差及情境分割效应的存在,区县而非省级、时下而非过往的收入差距状况更易为个体所捕捉和感知,进而对其容忍度产生间接影响,且这种情境传导效应及对客观差距的感知程度在不同群体间有明显差异。这一结果为我们理解过大收入差距与较高容忍度共存的反差现象提供了基于分配结构异质性的观察视角和情境反应在地化的经验解释。  相似文献   

9.
周彬  齐亚强 《社会》2012,32(5):130-150
文章利用2005年中国综合社会调查(CGSS2005)数据与县级社会统计资料,通过拟合多层Logistic回归模型,分析了地区收入不平等程度对个体健康状况的影响,系统检验了绝对收入理论和收入不平等理论。结果表明,即使在控制了个体收入对健康的凹陷效应之后,县级收入不平等程度仍对个体自评健康具有显著的负面影响。对收入不平等影响健康的作用机制的进一步分析表明,社会心理机制仅能部分解释不平等对健康的负面效应,而新唯物主义机制未能得到经验支持。  相似文献   

10.
Objective. This article examines panethnic consciousness as it applies to the two fastest‐growing minority groups in the United States: Asian Americans and Latinos. Given the challenges of diversity and immigration faced by these two communities, I examine the individual‐level factors that help strengthen their panethnic group identity. Methods. Drawing from data provided by the 2000 Pilot National Asian American Political Survey and the 1999 National Survey on Latinos, I use ordered probit models to determine the predictors of panethnic consciousness among both Asian Americans and Latinos. Results. The models confirm that for Asian Americans, high income, involvement in Asian‐American politics, being a Democrat, and the role of racial discrimination encourage panethnic consciousness. For Latinos, the important factors are higher levels of education, gender, being foreign born, involvement in Latino politics, and perceptions of discrimination. Conclusions. The findings here stress the importance of social contextual factors such as racial discrimination on the formation of panethnic identity.  相似文献   

11.
The primary purpose of this study is to examine the effects of neighbourhood poverty and income inequality on children's externalised problem behaviours in Korea. For the analysis, we used the National Survey of Children and Youth data and employed a multilevel analysis method. The results show that income inequality level of a community is a significant factor in increasing children's externalised problem behaviours. When controlled for income inequality, poverty itself was not significantly related to the level of children's externalised problem behaviours. We provide social welfare practice and policy implications of the findings in the paper.  相似文献   

12.
Objective. This article compares recent levels and trends in economic inequality in industrialized nations, largely those belonging to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. We also examine the effects of government policies and social spending efforts on inequality. Method. We use data from the Luxembourg Income Study and the U.S. Congressional Budget Office to measure disposable money income on an annual basis for 30 nations around the end of the 20th century. We also convert the incomes of a set of rich nations into real 2000 U.S. dollars, using a standard measure of purchasing power parity to examine absolute differences in income inequality. Results. The United States has the highest overall level of inequality of any rich OECD nation at the beginning of the 21st century. Moreover, increases in the dispersion of total household income in the United States have been as large as, or larger than, those experienced elsewhere between 1979 and 2002. Government policies and social spending have lesser effects in the United States than in any other rich nation, and both low spending and low wages have a great impact on the final income distribution, especially among the nonelderly. Conclusion. We speculate on the role policy plays in the final determination of income inequality. We argue that these differences cannot be explained by demography (single parents, immigrants, elders) but are more likely to be attributed to American institutions and lack of spending effort on behalf of low‐income working families.  相似文献   

13.
金江  施养劲  朱立博 《社会》2005,40(4):191-216
本文以2014年中国劳动力动态调查(CLDS)数据为基础,构建了一个人口多样性指数,并将其与288个城市的数据相匹配,检验了人口多样性与犯罪率之间的关系。实证结果表明,人口多样性是导致城市犯罪率上升的原因之一,且这一发现是稳健的。作用机制检验结果表明,社会信任是一个重要的中介变量,即人口多样性通过削弱社会信任水平导致犯罪率的上升。进一步,从地区制度环境和民生支出水平两个角度展开的实证检验发现,产权保护越完善、民众对法庭越有信心,政府在公共教育和社会保障上的财政支出越高,人口多样性对犯罪率的影响越弱,说明良好的制度和较高的社会福利支出具有显著的犯罪治理效应。本文的发现为城市化进程中我国各级政府的犯罪治理政策选择提供了经验证据,有助于科学把握犯罪治理的着力点。  相似文献   

14.
In this paper some of the evidence relating to the incidence of racial discrimination in the criminal justice system will be critically examined. It will be argued that equal opportunities policies have been adopted in the British case with the stated aim of tackling the exclusionary effects of racial discrimination. The notion of equal opportunities has been contested not least by those who have advocated anti-racist approaches towards discrimination. Anti-racism has been represented by some of its advocates as reflecting a critique of the authentic source of racism which is loosely defined in terms of social structure and capitalist social relations. The case for reconstituting anti-racism in such a way as to make it relevant to the lives of black offenders will be made. Finally, a framework for developing policies based upon the implementation of specific and clearly stated rights will be made.  相似文献   

15.
Since Brown v. Board of Education (1954), social scientists have argued that education is important to change in racial attitudes given opportunities for interethnic contact. Students today are presented, also, with opportunities for interethnic learning through curriculum and extracurricular programming. The importance of contact, curriculum, and residence hall programs for the attitudes of first-year college students from three ethnic groups was examined. Students ( n = 791) completed surveys at the beginning and end of the year. Regressions tested the relationships of these first-year experiences to intergroup attitudes (awareness of ethnic inequality, support for policies addressing ethnic inequality) at the end of the first year, controlling for initial attitudes and background. Contact and curriculum were related to attitudes for European American students .  相似文献   

16.
Abu Dhabi's transformation to a modern society in recent decades provides an ideal context to explore the interplay of tradition, transition, and modernization at various levels, which shapes the trajectory of the development of social trust. This study offers multilevel analyses of the effects of social, psychological, and ethnical factors on social trust by using data from Abu Dhabi General Social Survey conducted in 2018. The results sustain the validity of both social capital and social network theories in explaining social trust. Contrary to the findings in other Middle East countries, in Abu Dhabi, the full‐time employed and people who are more satisfied with their household income tend to show a higher level of trust. A negative but insignificant relationship is found between community ethnic fragmentation and social trust.  相似文献   

17.
Objectives: Universities often promote their diversity as a selling point, but are students of different races at these universities integrated socially? Using theories on social energy, I examine racial segregation among university students. Methods: Quantitative data were collected on student residence patterns and social groupings formed at lunch tables at a case study university. In addition, interviews were conducted with 25 students. Results: Students are substantially more segregated than chance predicts. Blacks and Hispanics are particularly segregated. Interviews reveal that these students spend large amounts of social energy coping with prejudice and discrimination as well as functioning in a student culture they find unwelcoming and foreign. Conclusions: Social energy drains on minority students from discrimination and an unwelcoming campus culture reduce energy left for interracial interaction, making these racial groups more segregated. The study highlights the need for understanding segregation as a function of the interaction of out-group preferences, in-group preferences, and the larger social context.  相似文献   

18.
This article draws on other papers in the special issue and additional literature to offer a multi-level framework for understanding the causes of homelessness in the developed world and efforts to reduce or end it. Social policies that reduce inequality and provide income and other supports to those at the bottom of the income distribution are associated with lower levels of homelessness across nations. The allocation of subsidies, patterns of social exclusion, and individual levels of economic, social, and human capital interact to influence who becomes homeless. Interventions to reduce homelessness at one level (e.g., social policy) can counteract vulnerabilities at a different level (e.g., individual risk factors) .  相似文献   

19.
《Journal of Policy Modeling》2020,42(5):1146-1168
One of the main subjects, governments have been facing is fair distribution of income, and making effort to improve it. In this study, we evaluated the effects of economic (energy, water, ICT) and social (health, education) infrastructure expenses on income inequality in the Iranian provinces for the period of 2007–2016 by the panel corrected standard errors (PCSE) model. The results show that social and economic infrastructures improvements reduce income inequality. However, the magnitude of these effects varies. Investment on education, healthcare, communication technology, energy, and water infrastructures has the greatest impact on income inequality reduction, respectively. Therefore, in order to reduce inequality in deprived areas, combination and optimal allocation of economic and social infrastructures should be considered.  相似文献   

20.
Objective. This study examines the links among income inequality, voter turnout, and electoral choice at the state level in recent presidential elections. Methods. We introduce two new state‐level ecological data sets, estimated annual Gini coefficients of income inequality from 1969 to 2004 and a measure of income segregation across Census tracts within states in 1999. We test for associations among inequality, turnout, and party preference with cross‐sectional, fixed‐effects, and multilevel analyses. Results. The cross‐sectional effect of inequality on voter turnout and electoral choice is ambiguous. However, a fixed‐effects analysis links higher income inequality to lower voter turnout and also to a stronger Democratic vote. Multilevel results indicate that higher levels of economic segregation likewise are associated with depressed turnout, after controlling for individual voter characteristics and for state‐level income.  相似文献   

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