美国少数族群传媒关于族群和国家认同的研究

美国学者对少数族群传媒的研究表明，少数族群传媒具有促进族群与国家双重认同的特点，对族群文化的认同不等同于对移民来源国的政治认同。当然美国学者有关研究也存在不足，只有公平、公正、包容地对待少数族群传媒，才能减少传媒与政府的矛盾，才能促进少数族群融入主流社会，增强对国家的认同。     

论美国印裔族群的政治参与

长久以来,政治参与一直是外来移民实现社会融入的重要方式之一,也是其维护自身权益并抗击主流社会歧视与排挤的必然选择。作为当今美国第二大亚裔群体,印裔族群的参政在久经曲折后已发生根本性的转变。由于新时期的族裔发展具有多重特性,在一系列自身和外界因素的合力推动下,印裔族群对美国政治生活的积极参与不仅已通过政治捐款、投票、竞选、游说等方面得到清晰的展现,而且还逐步形成了某些显著的特点。就目前的发展态势而言,印裔族群的参政力度和影响必将会得到进一步的强化。     

美国主导下的国际秩序及其变革政策评析

“二战”以来,国际秩序的重要特点是美国主导.在不同时期,美国政府主导国际秩序的政策有所不同,但维持和扩展其在国际秩序中的领导地位却是万变不离其宗.美国因极力追求自身利益的最大化,导致其主导下的国际秩序乱象丛生.奥巴马入主白宫以来,金融危机、权力转移等全球性问题日益突出,国家间相互依赖趋势逐渐加强,由于以上因素的影响和制约,致使其变革国际秩序的政策出现了新内容和新特点,这对未来国际秩序发展走向产生了重要影响.     

冷战初期美国的南中国海政策及其影响

冷战初期,尽管美苏两大阵营主要角逐的地区在中东与东欧一带,但美国从来没有把虎视的目光从南中国海移开,早已纳入其海权影响的范畴.美国对中国的遏制战略就不可避免地要与南海问题联系在一起,这是其形成南中国海主权争端的立场、政策的起点和基础.美国对南中国海战略地位的认知,侵扰中国南海疆域的行为,以及对南海诸岛归属问题的“模糊”立场,不能不对南海局势的发展产生深远的影响.     

美国网络安全政策导向及其启示

互联网已经融入了当代社会的各个领域,并成为了一个国家赖以正常运转的＂神经系统＂,而一旦出现网络危机,该国整个社会有可能陷于瘫痪。因此,网络安全已成为国家公共安全的＂致命威胁＂。美国政府在确立维护网络安全的国家战略,完善维护网络安全的管理机制,优化网络安全的技术组织结构,健全维护网络安全的法制体系等方面的经验对我国网络安全保障体系建设具有一定的借鉴意义。     

台湾族群政治分析

"族群"本是基于生理特质和文化传袭而形成的"原生性"社会群体,但台湾当今的"四大族群"却有着强烈的政治学和人为建构性色彩。这种政治性和建构性导源于台湾特殊的历史以及因此而形成的二元政治、社会结构,并集中体现在台湾大小选举政党对族群的刻意操纵中。族群问题发展至今已经成为影响台湾岛内政治和社会生活的重要因素,它使台湾社会逐步撕裂为"两分"社会,并使台湾的所谓"民主政治"蒙羞;同时,因为族群认同与国家认同有着密切关系,族群问题也成为"台独"势力着力利用以达其分裂祖国目的的重要工具。     

一起惊动白宫的美国“冤案”

马丁案件引起轩然大波后，奥巴马曾公开表示：“我如果有儿子，他和特雷翁应该很像。”话虽简单，听上去也很客观，但他对种族歧视的愤怒也显而易见     

美国食品安全监管政策及其对中国的启示

随着中国经济的发展,消费者对安全食品的需求不断增长。本文介绍和分析了美国食品安全监管政策的特点,并对建立适合中国国情的食品安全监管措施提出了建议。     

族群分裂与宗教冲突:欧洲多元文化主义面临严峻挑战

多元文化主义是西方国家20世纪60年代以来面对多样性的族群、语言、文化和宗教的矛盾而实施的一项成功的社会政策。进入21世纪以来,由于穆斯林移民在欧洲,特别是西欧国家的迅速增长而导致的欧洲伊斯兰化的担忧加剧,国际上反恐政策诱发的欧洲国家,特别是西欧国家内的穆斯林族群与主流族群的分裂以及穆斯林移民的伊斯兰教文化与基督教文化的冲突,对当代欧洲多元文化主义政策构成了前所未有的严峻挑战。尽管西欧各国政要纷纷抨击并宣布放弃多元文化主义政策,但实际上,完全放弃多元文化主义、重新恢复到同化的单一社会政策已几无可能,新型的多元文化主义是实现欧洲国家族群和谐、宗教文化共荣的唯一路径。     

社会达尔文主义视域下的美国劳工问题

美国内战后,关税保护、 金本位制和统一市场经济秩序的构建成为政府推动经济发展的主导性因素,而对劳工问题采取自由放任的态度.但随着劳资矛盾尖锐,社会危机日趋严重,社会中下阶层呼吁政府采取行政措施干预劳资冲突.然而,工商业资本家和一些社会科学家以英国哲学家赫伯特· 斯宾塞的社会达尔文主义为依据,反对政府干预劳工问题.他们以适者生存为依据,将个人财富的积累和社会地位的提升视为社会进化的自然结果,从而为社会不平等的合理性提供了"科学"证明.在这种伪科学的影响下,许多人将劳工阶层的贫穷归因于其本身能力的欠缺,政府试图解决劳工问题的尝试受到保守势力的抵制.     

美国的印度洋战略

冷战期间美国印度洋战略的主要目的是应对苏联,冷战后美国成为印度洋的主导力量,开始在印度洋地区进行军事前沿部署。近年来,随着印度洋战略地位的提高,美国提出了“印度-太平洋”概念,并强化其在印度洋的战略利益：保持主导地位、保护海上交通线安全、控制战略要冲等。美国在意识形态和经济因素的驱使下,通过军事部署和制度安排在印度洋取得霸权地位,但与英国相比,美国的印度洋霸权是“弱势”霸权。     

Immigration and environment in the U.S.: A spatial study of air quality

Environmental consequences are frequently cited as a justification for restricting immigration to the United States, but there is little empirical research on the environmental consequences of immigration to support such arguments. The research that does exist shows immigration to be less environmentally harmful than native population growth, but is hampered by small samples and fails to account for spatial autocorrelation of air quality. We use the air quality domain of the Environmental Protection Agency’s Environmental Quality Index (EQI) to examine the association between immigrant and native populations and local air quality across all counties in the continental U.S. We employ spatial models to account for spatial autocorrelation of air quality across the counties, controlling for indicators of economic development and location characteristics. We find that native population is strongly associated with worse air quality, while foreign-born population is associated with better air quality. However, this association varies by immigrant country of origin, with East Asian immigrants in particular associated with worse air quality, and by immigrants’ year of entry, with some immigration cohorts positively associated with air quality, and others negatively. These findings highlight the importance of population characteristics in understanding population-environment linkages.     

Cross-border school enrolment: Associated factors in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands

This paper examines students who live in Mexico but attend school in the U.S., and looks into the factors associated with their decision to study abroad. Based on Mexico’s 2015 Intercensal Survey, cross-border students are described in terms of their number, location, educational level and socioeconomic characteristics. Subsequently, the study estimates probit models to analyze the factors associated with studying in the United States. Cross-border students are mainly U.S.-born and concentrated in Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez. The probability of being a cross-border student is positively associated with age, household income and having a household member who was born in the U.S. or is a cross-border worker. Cross-border students come from high-income households with strong ties to the United States. The decision to study in the U.S. is likely taken due to the higher quality of the country’s education system and to facilitate an eventual transition into the U.S. labor market.     

论大国竞争背景下美国对华海上博弈

美国自喻为海洋国家,控制海洋不仅是保护其地缘政治和商业利益的需要,也是其称霸世界的手段。美国正倾全力转向大国竞争,美军从冷战后控制沿海区域和由沿海向陆地投送影响力转向既控制沿海,又主导大洋。从地缘政治和军事等方面考察,不论是美国的“印太战略”“海洋控制”,还是“太平洋威慑计划”和“分布式杀伤链”战法,都表明美国把与中国战略竞争的方向放在海上,特别是西太平洋。近代以来,中国遭受的帝国主义侵略大多来自海上。2012年,中共十八大提出“建设海洋强国”的战略目标。2015年中国国防白皮书强调,海洋关系到中国的长治久安和可持续发展。因此,经略好海洋成为中华民族复兴的大计。从时空上看,美国回归海洋控制与中国建设海洋强国正形成剧烈对冲。近年来,两国在东海、台海和南海的对峙背后是传统海洋大国与新崛起海洋国家在构建海上力量平衡的必然结果。在大国战略竞争的环境下,这场围绕海洋权益的博弈将决定未来两国关系走向与状态。     

Free trade,food-processing,and migration: An analysis of Mexican immigration in the U.S. Great Plains Region

This paper empirically identifies the factors driving Mexican immigration into the U.S. Great Plains region, focusing especially on the role of work in the Mexican and U.S. food-processing sectors, which in the context of NAFTA-induced foreign direct investments, opens up paths for migration along occupational lines into the U.S. from Mexico. Using a unique dataset on Mexican migration, the study addresses three related questions in a series of multivariate logistic regression analyses. First, is employment in the U.S. food-processing sector associated with Mexican migration into the Great Plains region? Second, does employment in the Mexican food-processing sector predict employment in the Great Plains food-processing sector? Finally, is the political–economic context linking Mexico and the U.S. related to the formation of occupational channels linking the food-processing sectors in Mexico and the U.S.? The findings demonstrate that the U.S. food-processing sector is a strong predictor of Mexican migration to the Great Plains region; Mexican migration is strongly channeled along occupational lines from Mexico to the U.S.; and the implementation of NAFTA, a period of intensive political–economic integration, strengthens the occupational channel between the food-processing sectors.     

Sheriffs,right-wing extremism,and the limits of U.S. federalism during a crisis

Background

During the COVID-19 crisis, sheriffs across the country vocally refused to implement mask mandates.

Objectives

In this note, we argue that resistance to mask mandates emerged out of successful efforts to recruit sheriffs into right-wing extremism (RWE) and its foundations in white supremacy, nativism, and anti-government extremism.

Methods

We draw on upon historical analysis and a national survey of sheriffs

Results

We show how RWE movements recruited sheriffs and that a substantial share of sheriffs adopted RWE attitudes. We argue that this radicalization of county sheriffs primes them to resist a core component of federalism: mandates by supra governments. We identify a relationship between sheriffs. RWE attitudes and their resistance to enforcing COVID-19 mask mandates.

Conclusion

Our work demonstrates the importance of considering the implications of violent extremism in the United States, particularly as it aligns with local law enforcement.     

Breaking down ideas and institutions: the politics of tax policy in the USA and the UK

As the existing comparative policy literature suggests, both ideational and institutional analyses have clear analytical value in their own terms but, under many circumstances, it is the combination of the two perspectives that allows for a full understanding of policy trajectories. In this article we suggest that, to improve our understanding of how ideas and institutions interact to produce change, it is important to break down these two overly broad concepts. This is because beyond general arguments about how ‘ideas’ and ‘institutions’ interact, students of public policy should itemize ‘ideas’ and ‘institutions’ into more focused, and empirically traceable, subcategories while recognizing the changing and contingent nature of their interaction, over time. To illustrate this, we turn to the politics of tax policy in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, tracking developments from the rise of the New Right and an aggressive income tax cutting agenda, personified by President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, through to the revived debate about the legitimacy of increasing taxes on those earning the highest incomes that emerged in the era of austerity that followed the Great Recession of 2008.     

美国货币政策的演变轨迹研究

美国货币政策演变可分为三个时期 :战后至 80年代初是凯恩斯主义货币政策时期 ,主要采取“相机抉择”的货币政策 ;80年代是新自由主义货币政策时期 ,主要采取控制货币供应量的货币政策来抑制通货膨胀 ;90年代是凯恩斯主义和新自由主义货币政策的“折中”时期 ,主要是采用灵活微调的货币政策来调控经济运行。     

美国种族限制性契约的司法判决与种族隔离的松动

在20世纪前期,种族限制性契约是美国白人实行种族隔离最主要的制度性措施。在关于限制性契约的判决中,对"州政府行为"的解释是一个关键,因为联邦宪法第14条修正案的制约对象是各州政府,而不是私人行为。在1948年以前,大多数州法院将州法院的司法判决排除在州政府行为之外,从而便利了州法院对种族限制性契约的纵容。在黑人、民权组织和某些政府部门的斗争之下,1948年联邦最高法院将州法院的判决也包含在州政府行为之中,从而制止了州法院对限制性契约的纵容。此后,对州政府行为的解释日益扩大,对限制性契约的控制更严,从而在美国种族隔离的藩篱中打开了一个缺口。