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1.
A questionnaire was administered to 500 union members. A multiple regression equation was developed using a multi-faceted index of union participation as the criterion with 25 predictor variables: 14 factor scores developed through factor analysis, 9 demographic variables, and 2 measures of perceived control within local unions. There was little shrinkage in the multiple R after double cross-validation. Community-political activities, liberal political beliefs, pro-unionism philosophies, high standards of involvement with unions, and high general job satisfaction-involvement were the five best predictors of union participation. Active union members may view unions as part of a socio-political movement above and beyond their economic and protective functions.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

A mixed-method approach was used to capture social work faculty experiences in integrating interprofessional education (IPE) in the social work curriculum at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Questions measured attitudes, needs, preparation, and readiness of HBCU faculty to participate in preprofessional and graduate IPE courses. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses were used. The 23 participants indicated that there was strong interest and endorsement for participation in IPE as an educational tool to improve interdisciplinary team work and social care outcomes. However, faculty had limited previous involvement with IPE courses. Many partners were identified for IPE courses with almost all endorsing alcohol and substance abuse counseling, mental health counseling, public health, early childhood education, nursing, rehabilitation counseling, school of divinity, and school of psychology. The following IPE teaching methods were endorsed by almost all of the faculty: seminars, IPE common tools, case analysis, collaborative assessment, role playing, and experiential activities. Qualitative analysis of the open-ended questions yielded five themes: designing/evaluating IPE programs, embedding IPE courses in the social work curriculum, facilitating trust among faculty, removing negative IPE stereotypes, and IPE courses sustainability. The study contributes vital information about an important group of stakeholders whose participation in IPE, heretofore not mentioned in the IPE literature, needs to be integrated. We recommend that the IPE higher education community work with HBCUs to implement IPE.  相似文献   

3.
This study traces the development of union loyalties among community college professors. Assuming that activism is motivated by contextual and ideological factors, the paper analyzes the ways that social networks, collegiate workplaces, and framing practices transform political bystanders into committed union members. Using data from a study of junior college professors in Kentucky (N = 329), the study finds that union participation is strongly linked to a distrust of campus administrators and having pro‐union friends and colleagues. Likewise, perceptions of union efficacy, a liberal identity as well the professor’s education level predicted the actual joining of their campus’ faculty union.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

There is a dearth of studies on age-related patterns of political activism in Malaysia, specifically on young people’s patterns of political participation relative to their elders, and in relation to the rich literature that has developed in Western democracies. By analysing survey data from Wave 6 (2010–2014) of the World Values Surveys (WVS), this study aims to investigate the differences in political engagement between younger and older people in Malaysia, including new repertoires outside the mainstream politics, by addressing the question of whether young Malaysians are more active in political activities compared to older groups. The findings conform to the expected patterns in the literature that young people are less likely to participate in conventional political activities than their respective elders. However, we find no significant differences for unconventional political participation. The study further shows that demographic indicators such as the levels of education, gender and ethnic group belonging do not appear to be linked to the age gap between youth and their elders in political activism. As such, the study provides evidence that young people in Malaysia are less likely to be politically active than their elders and that this is not clearly attributable to the socio-demographic factors analysed.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT

The National Social Work Voter Mobilization Campaign, also known as Voting is Social Work, involved social work faculty, field educators, practitioners, and students in a nonpartisan voter engagement drive. Following the 2018 elections, researchers surveyed Campaign participants in social work schools and agencies to document their voter engagement activities.The study reported extent and amount of their involvement. The survey distinguished between the voter engagement participation of school- versus agency-based social workers, which has not been studied elsewhere. Participants also reported the benefits of political participation to individuals, communities, and the profession and perceived barriers such as organizational constraints, fears of appearing partisan, and distrust of politics. Presented in historical context, the findings highlight the need to mainstream voter engagement throughout social work education.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

This paper examines the decentralisation of decision-making processes in local government. Empirically, I analyse how Brazilian housing movements are included in participatory processes by examining the ways in which participatory models integrate social movements in spaces of decision-making. I argue that the rules and focus on incremental policy-making limits the participation of social movements. Findings suggests that unequal power structures at local councils, barriers to the participation of citizens, and the lack of transparency of government decisions all prevent social movements from having a more influential voice in decision-making. Although previous studies in Brazil examined the integration of citizens in government institutions, this paper contributes to the literature in two ways: firstly, it provides new evidence on the impact of decentralisation in local government. Secondly, by examining the attitudes of housing council members towards popular political participation, it provides new insights into the limits of decentralisation and participatory governance in contemporary Brazil.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

This article describes the implementation and preliminary evaluation of a modified college experience for adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) at a small liberal arts college. To increase social work students’ interest in working with this population and access of people with IDD to higher education, Bridges to Skidmore was founded in 2010 as a low-cost method for providing cooperative learning opportunities for students and individuals with IDD. Preliminary evaluation reveals that participation can change students’ attitudes toward those with IDD, which may increase their intention to work with this population in the future. The program has created an enriching experience for the college students, lecturing professors, and adults with IDD, and can be easily replicated on other campuses.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

Objective: Systematically review studies of support for, and effectiveness of, university campuses’ smoke-free policies. Participants/Methods: A search was carried out for studies in English related to campus smoking bans through June 2013. Eligible studies had outcomes for student or faculty attitudes, or measures of smoking prevalence or secondhand smoke (SHS) exposure. Results: Nineteen eligible studies were identified, 18 from the United States and 1 from the United Kingdom. A meta-analysis found 58.94% (95% confidence interval [CI] [52.35%, 65.53%]) of students (12 studies) and 68.39% (95% CI [65.12%, 71.67%]) of faculty (7 studies) supported smoke-free policies. Both studies measuring student smoking prevalence indicated a postban reduction (16.5% to 12.8% after 1 year [p < .001] and 9.5% to 7.0% [p = .036] after 3 years). Only 5% of UK universities were smoke-free compared with 25% of US universities. Conclusions: A majority of students and faculty support smoke-free campus policies, which may reduce smoking and SHS exposure.  相似文献   

9.

Understanding of religious influences on environmentalism has been biased by political conflicts. This article summarizes the demographic parameters of environmental concern, then evaluates religious and political influences on that concern and related activity, using General Social Surveys data. It assesses influences on willingness to pay for environmental programs, individual environmental behaviors, and participation in political activities for related causes. Young people and women express greater environmental concern, but older persons more often engage in individual environmental activities such as recycling. The association of fundamentalism with political conservatism compounds interpretation of religion because political conservatives are antagonistic to environmentalism. Religious affiliation strength has positive effects on environmental concern, and worship attendance has positive effects on individual environmental behaviors, when fundamentalism and political variables are controlled. This article is part of the third stage of literature on religion and environmentalism in which positive as well as negative patterns are recognized.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

According to the attribution theory, negative outcomes of child sexual abuse (CSA) are thought to vary depending on whether CSA victims attribute the abuse to internal or external factors, respectively, self-blame and perpetrator-blame. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to identify abuse characteristics and attitudes that influence blame attributions among CSA victims from a community sample. Data from respondents with a history of CSA (N = 1,496) have been used in predicting blame attributions; perpetrator-blame, self-blame, or both. Results from a multinomial logistic regression analysis showed that attitudes toward gender roles had a significant effect on blame: victims were more likely to blame themselves when they endorsed more conservative gender attitudes than victims with more liberal attitudes. Implications for this finding are discussed.  相似文献   

11.
Japan's high level of socio-economic advancement notwithstanding, the level of women's representation in Japan lags behind that in not only other advanced countries but also many developing countries. This article aims to elucidate the causes of the under-representation of women in Japan. Preceding studies suggest that multiple, intertwining factors have had a collective influence on the number of women representatives. Based on these studies, I highlight four factors which affect women's representation: the electoral system; socio-political culture; electoral quotas; and the activities and attitudes of women concerning their own representation. I discuss how these factors have influenced the under-representation of Japanese women, in effect demonstrating that all the above factors have had negative impacts. Among these, the most serious obstacle is women's lack of enthusiasm for a larger political presence, which is sustained by Japanese political culture and social customs. I argue that strong women's voices calling for more women representatives are the necessary basis for measures to improve the under-representation of women.  相似文献   

12.
Various types of anti-immigrant sentiments have been taken as the characteristic independent variable to explain specific support for radical right parties. However, some survey respondents tend to conceal their attitudes towards socially sensitive issues. To overcome this challenge, the present study used a list experiment method (item count technique) to reveal respondents' covert attitudes towards immigrants (and compared these with overt expressions) based on party support in France. Results indicated similar levels of anti-immigrant sentiments among radical right National Front supporters and other centre-rightist parties. In addition, comparison with the direct question method revealed that while supporters of centre-right parties were reluctant to express their anti-immigrant sentiment in overt expressions, National Front supporters willingly expressed it overtly more than in covert expressions. Using regression analysis, this paper demonstrates the diversity of anti-immigrant norms and the social desirability bias gap in the French political space.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

How do people remain politically active in hostile or seemingly hopeless contexts? We apply Jack Barbalet’s theory of “confidence” as a necessary precursor to “action” to understand how members of a liberal, local “Coffee Party” movement confront powerful political and religious opposition in a conservative, rural, midwestern city. Barbalet’s grounding of “confidence” in “acceptance and recognition” in social relationships improves upon the popular “political efficacy” concept because it is not contingent on successful outcomes. We find that as members of the Coffee Party develop confidence to speak up and “go their own way,” their faith and political participation become more meaningful, which helps to explain how people remain in congregations despite disagreements with co-congregants, seek new congregations late in life when their activism results in expulsion, and remain politically active despite powerful opposition. Our findings contribute significantly to recent research on the interaction between politics and religion.  相似文献   

14.
Evidence of correspondence in the general population between religious and sociopolitical liberalism and conservatism is as yet inconclusive. This may in part stem from failure to appropriately assess both religious liberalism and socio-political liberalism-conservatism. Upon taking steps to correct these shortcomings, it was found that, for a semi-rural population in west-central Illinois, Christian conservatism was significantly and positively related to socio-political status quo orientation and to conservative political party preference. Conversely, Christian liberalism was found to be significantly and positively related to socio-political change orientation and to liberal political party preference. It was also found that a slight increment in the majority of these relationships occurred for individuals having experienced unfulfilled occupational expectations. This latter finding is interpreted to suggest that the encountering of adverse circumstances, potentially emanating from the social system, operates to increase the correspondence between religious and socio-political liberalism and conservatism.  相似文献   

15.
Oh,Canada     
SUMMARY

This article focuses on an exploratory study, documenting the experience of ten working class gay men in Toronto. Using qualitative methods in an effort to uncover clues about how the informants themselves perceive the experience, this article offers practice insight into the world of some working class gay men. Various themes such as the issue of appearance, the role of work, coming out to families, and attitudes and participation in the Toronto gay political/social scene are discussed.  相似文献   

16.
This paper reassesses the sources of sixties generation college graduates' liberal and radical politics through a reanalysis of General Social Survey and National Election Study data from the early 1970s to the early 1980s. Results of regression and ordered probit analyses of political attitude data do not sit well with the conventional view that the additive effects of education and membership of a particularly liberal generation explain sixties generation college graduates' politics. Instead, on some issues, the politics of sixties generation college graduates is discontinuous both with other groups in the early 1970s and with their own politics in the early 1980s. On attitudes to business and attitudes to state welfare spending, sixties generation college graduates were more liberal than the additive effects of their education and cohort membership can explain in the early 1970s. Moreover, they became substantially more conservative compared to other groups by the early 1980s on these issues. On other issues, notably social issues and attitudes to state consumption spending, this pattern of discontinuity was not found. Possible interpretations of these results are discussed.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

College student value change was analyzed for individual and group value accentuation or convergence among a longitudinal panel study of students in a traditional, large liberal arts college and a small, innovative living-learning subenvironment. Initially students in the innovative environment were more liberal, socally conscious, culturally sophisticated and intellectually oriented than their counterparts in the traditional setting, and, after two years, accentuation of these group differences had occurred. However, these group differences were not the result of accentuation of individual differences. Instead, increases in the student values were linked to interaction with peers and faculty on related topics and these patterns of interaction were more likely to occur in the living-learning subenvironment. Finally, those students who initially were lowest on a value and who frequently interacted with faculty or peers on related topics tended to experience the greatest value change.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Predictions concerning the effects of participation in protest activity stimulated by conflict and resentment are derived from two theories of attitude change, sociotherapy and dissonance reduction theory. These predictions are comparted with the measured attitudes of participants in protest activity in terms of two sets—those who are satisfied with the results and those who aren't. The findings sustain neither the sociotherapists nor their critics. Dissonance reduction theory gains some support in the finding that frustrated participants tend to view the protest group itself less favorably than they view the political system. Though not a direct test of attitude change, the study is a test of the predicted outcomes of conflict stimulation as a community organizing technique and suggests that attitudinal effects are neither cause for concern nor promising for reduction of disaffection in the ghetto.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Objective: The object of this study is to extend prior evaluations of Elemental, a sexual assault protection program that combines primary prevention and risk reduction strategies within a single program. Participants and Methods: During 2012 and 2013, program group and control group students completed pretest, posttest, and 6-week and 6-month follow-up surveys assessing sexual attitudes and knowledge as well as experiences with assault. Results: The results reinforce previous findings that Elemental is effective in reducing sexual assault risk. Program effects were both direct, in that participation was associated with lower risk of assault, and mediated, in that participation impacted attitudes and beliefs that are empirically linked to risk of later assault. Conclusions: By combining both primary prevention and risk reduction approaches, Elemental is not only effective at reducing incidences of assault, it is also consistent with a number of recent recommendations for directions in sexual assault prevention programming.  相似文献   

20.
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