首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 250 毫秒
1.

The present study compares the ability of selected psychological and sociological factors to predict the level of punitive criminal sanction supported by a community's residents. Personality characteristics, particularly those developed in the pioneering work of Adorno on authoritarianism, represented psychological influences; sociological views on punitive sanctions were drawn from the Durkheimian tradition of social condemnation, in which group norms are established by the general level of consensus about the perceived threat of a particular criminal act, or crime seriousness. Little support was found for the link between authoritarianism and specific sanctioning endorsements. The sociological concept of normative outliers, on the other hand, proved to be the much more useful construct.  相似文献   

2.

Utilizing records from the Seattle Police Department, we explored questions of a new “masculinized” female offender and a “chivalrous” criminal justice system. Crime‐specific arrest statistics provided a means to study both questions. Arrest statistics were recoded three separate ways: according to traditional views of the “masculinity” of an offense; legalistic crime categories; and seriousness ratings. These three categories were compared by sex across a four‐year period. Comparisons of final dispositions provided the basis of a final look at the “chivalry” issue. The findings suggest that females are not making great inroads into either traditionally masculine crimes or crime in general, and while there is little in the data to suggest prejudicial treatment based on sex, chivalry is supported by certain arrest and disposition rates.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

In 2006 Western Australia passed legislation that introduced a system to check criminal records and issue permits to those who wish to work with children. In 2007, the legislation was described by the minister responsible as a “powerful system that would prevent harm to children”. This paper explores that system and identifies limits to its effectiveness. The paper concluded that unless the system's limits are fully appreciated there is a possibility of a paradoxical outcome, whereby children's lives will be less safe. It also raises the question of whether in the area of record checking a national approach is not preferable to each state and territory developing its own system.  相似文献   

4.

Using original data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times survey, this article assesses public attitudes toward key issues of symbolism intimately connected with the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process. It uses public attitudes toward the symbolic expressions of Northern Ireland's politico-religious blocs as indicators of the extent of intercommunity tolerance in the delicate post-Belfast Agreement period. Survey questions on attitudes toward flags, including the idea of a new flag for Northern Ireland; loyalist and republican murals; and memorials to the dead of the conflict, including the idea of a memorial for all of the victims of the conflict, reveal that partisan attitudes toward communal symbols of identity and commemoration persist, despite macro-level political changes heralded by the 1998 peace accord. It is argued that the consociational design of the Belfast Agreement facilitates the perpetuation of the single-identity politics of Irish nationalism and Ulster unionism. In this context, public attachment to partisan symbols remains strong.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

This article presents an analysis of data from a police integrity measurement survey administered to 107 top-level Eritrean police officers. Respondents were asked for their opinions regarding the seriousness of police misconduct, disciplinary action recommended, and their willingness to report fellow police officers engaged in such misconduct. The surveyed police officers considered some types of misconduct (e.g. off-duty work and accepting gifts) to be significantly less serious than others (e.g. opportunistic thefts from crime scenes and bribery). The findings suggest that the greater the seriousness of the offence, the more likely the officers were to recommend more severe disciplinary action. The survey evidence also indicates that, for six of the ten police misconduct cases, the majority of the respondents revealed they would report the misconduct, which suggests the police code of silence in the context of the Eritrean policing environment is weak.  相似文献   

6.
Despite growing interest in publicly preferred punishments for criminal offenses, investigators have paid relatively little attention to the criteria used by the public to determine appropriate punishments for different offenses. Classical theories of punishment and sociological conceptions of norms suggest two possible criteria: the perceived frequency and seriousness of offenses. Data from four independent Sample surveys of the adult residents of a southwestern metropolitan area are used to determine the effects of these two variables on the severity of preferred punishments for nineteen offenses. When the age and prior record of the offender are held constant, the seriousness of the offense is the central criterion used to determine appropriate punishments. These results cast serious doubts on recent claims that publicly preferred punishments are based on utilitarian motives.  相似文献   

7.
SUMMARY

Juvenile prostitution in the German welfare work is being interpreted as a peculiar behaviour which cannot be influenced by criminal law but by psychodynamic and social condition factors and motives. The public prostitution of adolescents largely takes place unaffected by criminal persecution. In view of the legislation in Germany, the regulations of criminal law have not had any decisive influence at juvenile prostitution. In Germany there exists a sufficient protection of children and adolescents. The current discussion about the expansion of the childhood definition of young people up to 18 years, and a de-legalization of agreed sexual actions between people under and over 18 years ignores a typical juvenile behaviour. A change in the situation of life of juvenile prostitutes by a legal intensification, as well as a change in behaviour through an anonymous sanction system like that of legislation, cannot be expected.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to empirically evaluate Dahrendorf's notion of conflict regulation in advanced industrial societies. Using a measure of strike volume as an indicator of conflict in the industrial sphere, I look at samples of eight “developing” and eight “advanced” countries, generate a composite scale for the strike volume measure for each of the two samples, and then make comparisons between samples. Dahrendorf's thesis of conflict regulation would suggest that the more advanced societies would experience reduced or stabilized levels of industrial conflict. On examination of the data reported in this paper, however, I find a statistically significant difference in levels of conflict between the two groups, with the advanced countries showing the larger strike volume. In the conclusions, I suggest some possible implications of the research for Dahrendorf's model.  相似文献   

9.

Viewed from a conflict perspective, governmental agencies are tools of power and privilege. Subservient to powerful economic interest groups, regulatory agencies are claimed to exercise little, if any, effective control over the activities of big business.

Four hypotheses derived from a conflict perspective on the social control of big business are set forth: (1) less social control is exercised over big business than small business; (2) since the onset of the consumer movement, big business has been more frequently sanctioned; (3) over time big business “captures” regulatory agencies which results in a general decrease in the percentage of social control efforts directed toward big business; and (4) when big business is sanctioned, the smaller, less powerful of those businesses are sanctioned.

In this study the pattern of sanctioning of big business by a major federal regulatory agency is examined. Specifically, data on the issuance of cease and desist orders to business enterprises by the Federal Trade Commission over a twenty‐three year span of time are analyzed. The implications of the findings for each of the four hypotheses and for conflict theory in general are discussed.  相似文献   

10.
ABSTRACT

This article analyzes the discursive process of criminalization of African asylum seekers in Israel. The Israeli case illuminates the way that marginalized social groups are constructed as a criminal threat, thus becoming a focal point of moral panic. Using content analysis, in-depth interviews and observations, we assert that the criminalization of asylum seekers is facilitated by their portrayal as ‘infiltrators’ who are beyond state control. State authorities’ ostensible inability to keep asylum seekers under surveillance is dialectically constructed along two main axes: the private space axis and the public space axis. On the private space axis, the asylum seekers are portrayed as unidentified people living beyond the authorities’ field of vision whose largely unreported criminality is directed against vulnerable asylum seeker women and children in the private sphere. At the same time, asylum seekers are portrayed as a prominent, faceless and animalistic presence in public space, a presence that breaches physical-spatial borders as well as social-cultural boundaries, thereby undermining the social order. Thus, asylum seekers are viewed as conspicuously invisible. This rhetoric connects border violation with criminal activity; emphasizes the pent-up potential for violence by asylum seekers; and blurs the lines between criminal threat and security threat.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

This paper argues for the recognition of the ethical dimension in the use of IT to promote economic development. It analyzes four areas in which the spread of new technologies are having an impact on individual and community life-unemployment., delinquent and criminal behaviour, smart weapons, and citizenship-inan attempt to establish that IT is too important to be left to politicians and business people. Instead it should be treated as a matter of great relevance and decision for the whole of society.  相似文献   

12.
The authors present the results of a research project in which the aim was to develop for Canada an index of criminology and delinquency based on public appraisal of the seriousness of various criminal offences. This new kind of index of crime was originally proposed in the United States by T. Sellin and M. E. Wolfgang. The possibility of using such an index in order to compensate for the shortcomings of present statistics on criminal behaviour is brought out as a research conclusion. The index has advantages as well for the development of international statistics on crime.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

A previous article demonstrated a consensus about denying permission for the cosmetic genetic manipulation of human embryos (Rettig, 2008). The present article raises this very complex issue again but from a more in-depth perspective, both theoretical and discursive. Participants discussed the issue from more diverse views, and did not come to a definitive consensus, thereby raising the question of the social reality or “truth” about the morality of the issue.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

Information disseminated by the news shapes the way that the public perceives criminal events, often providing a distorted view of crime. Previous research has largely overlooked neighborhoods in discussions of how the news portrays crime. This study examines the ways that the news media report the neighborhoods in which homicides, robberies, and assaults are committed. Multiple theoretical perspectives rooted in the law of opposites and racial typification provide differing explanations for the reporting of crime. Using Boston as a test site, this study employs a content analysis of The Boston Globe crime articles to identify the neighborhoods in which instances of homicide, robbery, and assault receive coverage. A comparison with official crime data from the Boston Police Department suggests differences in neighborhood reporting trends for robbery and assault but not for homicide. Specifically, the news media tend to disproportionately report more robberies and assaults in neighborhoods with lower levels of neighborhood disadvantage. Implications for the social construction of crime and neighborhoods as well as criminal justice response for disadvantaged neighborhoods are discussed.  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

Using survey data from Utah, we examine the direct and indirect effects of individuals' identification with work and family on work-to-family and family-to-work conflict. Our analysis uncovers two notable indirect effects of family identity. For men, identification with the family is associated with job flexibility, which is associated with a decrease in work-to-family conflict. For women, identification with the family is associated with housework satisfaction, which is associated with a decrease in family-to-work conflict. These indirect effects suggest that family identity may play some role in reducing work-family conflict, albeit in different ways for men and women.  相似文献   

16.
SUMMARY

The aim of this paper is to review policy and practice in relation to the management of alcohol and drug problems in Ireland, with a specific focus on the role of professional social work. There is a high prevalence of alcohol and drug problems in the caseloads of social workers that work within the statutory childcare and criminal justice services. Professional social work in Ireland is of comparatively recent origin and there are few social workers employed in specialist addiction posts or settings in Ireland. The profession as a whole, moreover, has not actively lobbied for a greater role in specialist services. While formal social policy on addictions has shifted in recent decades towards broad public health strategies, which reflect a pragmatic European perspective, the disease model from the United States of America continues to have popular appeal.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

Objective: Parent–child conflict, depressive symptoms, and anxiety sensitivity have each been identified as risk factors for suicide ideation in college students. This study examined the relations among these risk factors and suicide rumination utilizing transition theory to guide the hypothesized relations. Participants: Undergraduate college students participated in this study in the spring of 2012 (January to May). Methods: Participants completed self-report measures of parent–child conflict, depressive symptoms, anxiety sensitivity, and suicide rumination, among other measures. Hypothesized pathways and mediation were tested using path analysis. Results: Suicide rumination was positively and uniquely predicted by depressive symptoms, anxiety sensitivity, and parent–child conflict. The relation between parent–child conflict and suicide rumination was, in part, accounted for by depressive symptoms and anxiety sensitivity. Conclusions: Results suggest that it would be advisable for clinicians to assess for students’ conflicts with their parents in conjunction with their levels of depression and anxiety when assessing for suicide risk.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This article considers the recent research carried out to assign responsibility to the importance of genetics as compared with environmental influences and other aspects such as neurological damage to an individual, which makes them susceptible to criminal type behaviour. While there is currently no gene directly linked to criminality, there are genes that are responsible for such functions as aggressiveness and impulsiveness to some degree. The area is currently undergoing considerable influence and investigation with research being carried out in seeking to deal with such diseases as cancer and a variety of mental illnesses.

It is currently impossible to assign major responsibility for criminal behaviour and those traits leading to criminal behaviour through either genetics or the environment since both appear to be involved. Neurological damage, pre-natal and post-natal, as well as accidents which affect the brain tissue and many other factors are likely to predispose certain individuals to criminal behaviour. All these factors interact with one another in a variety of permutations.

We will need to wait and see what other evidence is presented through the research regarding genes being responsible for criminal behaviour by which is generally meant violent and aggressive behaviour rather than white collar crimes. A major effort should currently be directed towards preventing brain damage and other neurological problems as well as dealing with families that are likely to be prone to producing children of anti-social, aggressive, and violent behaviour. In addition to the home setting, schools, society and the mass media can do much to prevent criminal demeanour as well as the preventive aspects through the police and the courts. It is almost certain that currently forensic psychology and psychiatry are unlikely to be able to rely on genetic aspects in defence of clients and their anti-social behaviour. Time and further research into the influence of genes may modify this viewpoint.  相似文献   

19.
The first aim of this paper is to establish some of the core assumptions and concepts that have been used to build the rhetorical paradigm for developing public relations theory. The key tenets of this paradigm are deployed to enable some critical reflection on the value of the model, and particularly the work of Heath, for scholars who accept that public relations is constituted by persuasive discourses and perpetual competition between opposing interests and values. The second aim of this paper is to explore the question of where next? How do we develop the rhetorical paradigm and take it into new directions and allow it to embrace new problems? This paper will attempt to do this by applying agonistic theories of democracy. To mirror how Heath has drawn on classical writers such as Aristotle, Isocrates and Quintilian, this paper will also draw on classical texts: Firstly, through the satirical drama and social commentary in the writing of Aristophanes; and then through Honig’s work in reinterpreting Sophocles’ play Antigone. Agonism derives from the ancient Greek word agōn - a contest or struggle. A key priniciple of classical agonism is that protagonists should seek to win acclaim and admiration by performing openly in public, and it extols plurality above dispassionate deliberation. This suggests some resonance with the dominant assumptions of the rhetorical paradigm, but more modern forms of agonism make post-foundationalist assumptions of the impossibility of any consensus existing beyond precarious hegemonic relationships. They also hold to a radical pluralism that when applied challenge widely-held assumptions that ethically grounded public relations practice is that which seeks to eliminate conflict in favour of seeking consensus. Fusing agonistic cooperation with Heath’s notion of concurrence is suggested as a means of integrating critical theory into the rhetorical paradigm.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

In September 2015, the Japanese government announced its first national action plan (NAP) to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325, just ten days after forcefully legislating controversial security bills that would effectively lift the constitutional restrictions on overseas exercise of military force. Why did the conservative administration embrace Resolution 1325 while propelling militarization? This paper examines the formulation process of Japan’s NAP, focusing on gendered struggle over remilitarization and war memory, especially that of the “comfort women,” or Japanese imperial military sexual slavery during World War II. I will examine how post–Cold War remilitarization in Japan was closely intertwined with the struggle over war memory and the gender order of the nation, and how the conservative administration embraced international gender equality norms in an attempt to identify itself as a powerful liberal democracy engaged in maintaining the international security order, and to erase the memory of imperial military sexual violence in the past. By doing so, I attempt to critically reconsider the framework of the UN Women, Peace and Security agenda, which constructs powerful developed nations “not in conflict” as innocent supporters of women in conflict zones.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号