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1.
《Public Relations Review》1998,24(2):165-182
The last decade has seen dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union: the end of the Cold War with the West; the loosening of the Soviet Union's hold on part of Germany; movements for independence by regions in the USSR; and the public rejection of Communism by Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, as well as by key leaders within the Soviet Union. Radical changes in political philosophy have been accompanied by transformations in mass media communication.These changes are inextricably linked to how public relations is practiced in these nations, many of which are attempting, to varying degrees, to adopt a democratic system of government. This article frames the role of public relations in a self-governing society; discusses three environmental factors that affect the practice of socially responsible public relations, reviews the historical media philosophy of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union; and examines examples of media practice that have occurred during the region's transformation and their implications for media freedom and independence, and for the practice of public relations.  相似文献   

2.
Eastern Europe has been the object of orientalising discourses portraying it as a region defined by problematic statehood, underdevelopment, and nationalist-religious warmongering. These discourses have produced 19th-century mental maps of Europe contrasting a perceived ‘core’ European area ending with the Frankish Empire's eastern border and coinciding with later Enlightenment influence and an indistinct ‘Orient’ or ‘East’, bypassed by “modernising” processes. This contribution focuses on (post-)Cold War discourses in social science and shows how these discourses re-produce 19th-century layers of orientalising map-making and keep East-West differences alive by tracing deficient, fragile or repressive state institutions back to alleged Eastern European ‘mentalities’.  相似文献   

3.
International Relations (IR) is an Anglo-American discipline. It was founded in 1919 at Aberystwyth University. Immediately after the Second World War it found a particularly fertile ground for its development in the United States. Even if the discipline remained marked by its Anglo-American origins, a sociological school of international relations emerged in France in the 1960s, with two main authors Raymond Aron and Marcel Merle. This French sociology of international relations already dated back to the eighteenth century with Montesquieu and Tocqueville. In the context of the First and Second World Wars, Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, produced an embryonic sociology of international relations. After the Second World War, Aron’s sociology of international relations marked a break with the French school. His sociology was influenced by Max Weber and Carl von Clausewitz. He produced a comprehensive and historical tradition of international relations sociology and his analyses had a strong influence in IR specialists during the entire period of the Cold War. Today, his thought continues to exert influence on French and foreign internationalists as an essential reference point of the discipline. Marcel Merle, for his part, influenced by the work of Durkheim and Mauss, created an explanatory, positive school studying transnational relations which exerted influence on French and foreign internationalists as well. This contribution offers an historical overview of the development of this French tradition of sociology of international relations from the eighteenth century to the present time.  相似文献   

4.
From the Cold War era of the ‘veteran heroes’ to the present view of escaped North Koreans in terms more akin to ‘refugees’ and sometimes even just ‘migrants’, perceptions of North Korean defectors in South Korea have changed as swiftly as the number and origins of Northerners entering the South have expanded. At the same time, government policy for these ethnic ‘brethren’ has evolved considerably, particularly as South Korea has seen fundamental shifts in its independent identity, with important repercussions for the way its citizens view themselves as a collective. This article explores some of the key influences behind changes to policy and perceptions regarding North Korean people in South Korea over the period from 1997 to 2012, by applying international relations theory on national identity and its role in policy formation and change through the need to secure different parameters within that identity.  相似文献   

5.
Media discourse as a symbolic contest: The bomb in political cartoons   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The mass media provide a series of arenas in which symbolic contests are carried out among competing sponsors of meaning. Measuring the display of competing interpretations is a way of assessing relative success. The Cold War period involved a long competition within the United States between two competing advocacy networks, each offering a general package on issues of nuclear war and Soviet-American relations. This paper examines how this contest was played out in one particular arena—that of editorial cartoons. Our results suggest certain dilemmas and vulnerabilities in Cold War packages and the strong cultural appeal of Common Security packages in spite of the access and resource handicaps of their sponsors.This is a substantially revised version of a paper originally presented at the conference, Discourse and the Nuclear Arms Race, Ballyvaughan, Ireland, August 8–15, 1987.  相似文献   

6.
INTEGRATING ECONOMIC DUALISM AND LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION:   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Although the U.S. economy of the early twenty-first century is vastly different from the U.S. economy prior to the 1970s, the nature of these economic changes and their impact on U.S. workers is unclear. This article claims that despite contemporary economic shifts, differential labor and employer power continues to segment the economy, and workers' position in the labor market continues to predict their rewards, beyond the effects of gender, race, and human capital. Drawing on segmented labor market and dual economy research, we propose a four-category model of the structural factors that influence variance in work-related rewards. We examine the distribution of jobs in each of four categories between 1974 and 2000 and observe that losses and gains across categories are unevenly distributed by race and gender. While white men have experienced the greatest declines in employment and earnings, they have maintained their absolute advantage over women and nonwhites. In multivariate analyses, we find that the structural position of employment continues to be a significant determinant of wages. Although women and racial minorities have experienced sizable increases in employment in primary labor market jobs in the core of the economy, both groups remain overrepresented in low-paying jobs. Moreover women, but not nonwhite men, consistently receive significantly fewer rewards for their labor in both low-paying and high-paying jobs. Our findings suggest that structural factors continue to influence earnings inequality, especially across race and gender lines.  相似文献   

7.
由于世界格局发生重大变化,奥巴马政府外交政策出现了调整。美国中东政策调整幅度最大,但只是策略和手法的变化,而非战略性改变。美国宣示的调整后的中东政策不可能如实执行。随着美国力衰减,美主导中东事务的能力减弱。大中东热点问题如巴以冲突、阿富汗战争、伊拉克战争和伊朗核问题都出现了一些新的变化,但这些问题矛盾复杂,涉及面广,仍难以解决。  相似文献   

8.
This research seeks to understand the factors that lead nation‐states to ratify international human rights treaties in the contemporary world, despite their potential cost for state sovereignty. We argue that normative pressure from international society, along with historical contingencies during the Cold War, encouraged many states to ratify these treaties. We present an event‐history analysis of ratification of seven key international human rights treaties in 164 countries in the period between 1965 and 2001. The results lend support to the world society argument as well as to our historical argument and also specify that normative pressure and imitation have been important factors shaping states’ decisions to ratify international human rights treaties.  相似文献   

9.
This article focuses on the changing relationships between East-Indian daughters-in-law and mothers-in-law in a developing society: Trinidad, West Indies. Changes in how families are structured are seen as active responses to processes of globalization. While these changes have provided younger women with opportunities to resist older arrangements, their responses have in turn created new problems that remain unresolved. I argue that these families' experiences of change are linked to complex relations that include increased access to education, changes in the village economy, and global media penetration, all of which are part of broader processes of modernization and globalization. The study draws on ethnographic fieldwork as well as census data and economic, educational, and demographic changes since World War II.  相似文献   

10.
Cross-section samples in five states were asked in December2004 and July 2005 whether the Iraq war is more like the VietnamWar or more like World War II. The Vietnam analogy was chosendisproportionately by those who were alive during that war,though the choice was not limited to exposure to the Vietnamperiod during what have been called the "critical years" ofadolescence and early adulthood. The distinction between twoforms of remembering, recall and recognition, helps situatethe results with regard to past research on cohort effects oncollective memory. Evidence is also presented against interpretingthe present effect as related to the biological and social correlatesof aging. Other results are included on the relations of analogychoice to partisan identification, gender, education, race,and region.  相似文献   

11.
本文考察国际权力在不同历史时期的基础及其变化,并提出,各国围绕国际权力竞争的背后是各国围绕国际权力基础的竞争,国际权力基础随着时代不断发生变迁。作为国际政治的一个重要变量,国际权力基础反映出国际政治单位之间所享有的国际权力差异。自威斯特伐利亚条约以来,国际社会见证了数次国际权力基础变化。在第二次世界大战以前,国际权力的基础是常规武器水平;冷战期间核武器成为了新的基础;冷战结束后,各国之间的竞争围绕着综合国力展开;伊拉克战争爆发以后,国际权力基础又变迁为国家独立行动能力。  相似文献   

12.
Black and white people experience race relations from different social positions, thus, interpret questions about race relations differently. Structured interviews were conducted with a random sample of residents from Philadelphia and Meridian, Mississippi. These data indicate that there is a wider gap between these blacks and whites regarding their perceptions of discrimination than the gap documented by national surveys. There are interesting differences in the way the two groups interpret themselves as racist, or not, and how they remember their communities’interracial history. Content analysis is used to demonstrate differences in the understanding of race relations, segregation, and perceived danger from racially motivated violence.  相似文献   

13.
The Canadian government adopted a multicultural policy in 1971, complicating the binary of ‘two founding peoples’ by acknowledging the diversity of its settler populations. This redefinition took place against the backdrop of the Cold War in which Canada was a strategically located junior partner in the Western alliance. This article draws parallels between photographic representations of Canadian diversity and the photographic culture of the Cold War as complementary programmes of nation-building and national defence. The study focuses mainly on the activities of the Still Photography Division of the National Film Board of Canada in its coincident evolution from a government information agency to a proto-museum with a mandate to collect and circulate Canadian contemporary photography. A curious mixture of communitarian ideals, countercultural impulses, and institutional ambitions is displayed across a number of documentary projects. The power of photography as a silent language is put into question by a modest compilation of words and images that situates both global and local uncertainties in a Winnipeg grocery store.  相似文献   

14.
This article argues through an examination of an anti‐base struggle that erupted in early 1950 in Isahama, Okinawa that it is necessary to consider the ways that the so‐called new imperialism of the post‐World War II period required the transformation of social relations, even in places like Okinawa that are regarded as exceptional sites where US bases and facilities operate through the suspension of sovereignty. It asserts that a focus on the gendered dimensions of antagonisms that developed in Okinawa as the US built its military complexes there allows us to see how local communities, often led by women, fundamentally challenged the base‐related enclosures and pushed against the constant ideological work that the language of exception played in normalizing capitalist social relations in general. Finally, it claims that while Okinawa's case may not seem meaningful if taken in its singularity, if we keep in mind that the islands were just one locale within a global military empire that was comprised of hundreds of military complexes containing thousands of bases scattered throughout 64 countries at the height of the Cold War, the destabilizing force of struggles against enclosures as material and ideological sites through which capitalist social relations were naturalized should not be underestimated as valuable shapers of the post‐World War II American empire.  相似文献   

15.
This paper presents the results of an ecological analysis of the relationship between infant mortality and economic status in a metropolitan aggregate comprised of seven of the larger cities in Ohio during the three years centering on the 1990 census. Using a summary income score derived for the census tract of mother's usual residence, the census tracts in the seven metropolitan centers were divided into broad income groupings and three-year average infant mortality rates were computed for each area, by age, sex, race, and selected causes of death. The most important conclusion to be drawn from the data is that in spite of some remarkable declines in overall levels of infant mortality during the past few decades, there continues to be a very clear and pronounced inverse association between income status and infant mortality. The general inverse association is observed for both sexes, for whites and nonwhites, and for all major causes of infant death. At the same time, the data reveal notable differences in the magnitude of the relationship by sex, and especially by age at death, race, and cause of death. Explanations of these differences are suggested, and a conclusion notes some of the difficulties encountered in developing programs aimed at closing the infant mortality gap between the richest and poorest segments of the society.This is an expanded version of a paper presented at the annual meetings of the Eastern Sociological Society in Baltimore, Maryland (March 17–20, 1994).  相似文献   

16.
多维理论视域中的能源政治与安全观   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
关于国际能源政治及其安全的各派理论观点虽视角各异,但其相互间实际上是互为交叉和影响,并日益呈现出共同特征.随着冷战后世界经济全球化进程的加速,各国在能源领域的相互依存日渐加强,既竞争又协调成为国际能源政治的主流.由此各方越来越重视能源领域的国际合作及其国际机制的建设,主张通过国际合作与协调来实现能源安全,将维护能源安全与实现经济和社会的可持续发展、与国家的对外政治和经济关系紧密联系起来.  相似文献   

17.
中东拥有丰富的石油资源,但在世界能源市场上长期不能把握自身命运。后冷战时期,由于各种内外矛盾的牵制,中东在全球化和现代化进程中仍相对边缘化。美国控制石油的动机表白,与中东伊斯兰国家对此的理解相距甚远,与中东激进组织的解读更是大相径庭。涉及经济公平的石油利益,对中东伊斯兰国家造成了极大的物质和观念层面的压力,使中东乃至世界部分穆斯林倍感不满。  相似文献   

18.
Oana Tocoian 《Economic inquiry》2015,53(4):1751-1764
I show that military spending contributes to international arms proliferation through a push effect: large demand encourages production growth in the domestic market if transport costs are non‐negligible. Under increasing returns to scale, the country can then supply weapons on the global market at low prices. This is a manifestation of the home market effect (HME), which states that countries with higher demand for a differentiated good will be net exporters of that good. I construct a monopolistic competition model of international trade that accounts for differences in demand across countries, and test its predictions using post‐Cold War data. (JEL F1, H5, R1)  相似文献   

19.
20.
During the Second World War some three million American service personnel came to the British Isles. Among them were more than 130,000 African-Americans who were segregated and subjected to the discrimination that crossed the Atlantic with their white countrymen. However, while many of the British hosts often welcomed the African-American GIs, the American-style Jim Crow was not welcomed. But while it has often seemed that the wartime British were free of race prejudice, treatment of troops and workers from the colonies, particularly the West Indies, suggest that this was not so. This article looks at the response to black GIs and West Indians in order to demonstrate that there was in fact greater continuity between British wartime and post-war race relations than has often appeared to be the case.  相似文献   

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