WEAPONS OF SEX,WEAPONS OF WAR

Recent international attention has focused on designations of rape and sexual violence in conflict zones. The most formative debates on this issue centre on the 1990s-era conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, which also involved heated debates amongst feminists over designations of rape as genocide. While the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda case, the Prosecutor v. Akayesu, resulted in the first formal charge of wartime rape as genocide within international criminal law, the first case to charge wartime rape as genocidal occurred in US federal court. This project looks for the overarching social and political meaning of the contemporary international legal focus on rape and sexual violence. It examines why, how, and to what extent US and transnational feminist legal academics and activists transmitted and secured their understandings of the relationships between sex, violence and ethno-religious difference within the international legal arena. In doing so, I argue that their participation in the contemporary recognition and narration of sexual injury in a global context both retreads and reconfigures the heated 1980s-era US Sex Wars debates on the workings of gender, sex, race and power.     

Maritime labour,transnational political trajectories and decolonization from below: the opposition to the 1935 British Shipping Assistance Act

This article uses a discussion of struggles over attempts by the National Union of Seamen to exclude seafarers from the maritime labour market in the inter‐war period to contribute to debates at the intersection of maritime spaces and transnational labour geographies (cf. Balachandran 2012; Høgsbjerg 2013). By focusing on struggles engendered by the British Shipping (Assistance) Act of 1935, I explore some of the transnational dynamics through which racialized forms of trade unionism were contested. I argue that the political trajectories, solidarities and organizing spaces constructed by the alliances formed to oppose the effects of the act shaped articulations of ‘decolonization from below’ (James 2015). In this way, engaging with the political trajectories and activities of activists from organizations like the Colonial Seamen's Association can reveal new ways of understanding the spatial politics of decolonization and new accounts of who or how such processes were articulated and contested. I conclude the article by arguing that engagement with these struggles can help assert the importance of forms of subaltern agency in shaping processes of decolonization.     

Trafficking in Women

This article examines the new United Nations "Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children', which opened for signature in December 2000. This article presents a feminist analysis of the Trafficking Protocol and of the feminist discourse involved in its development. I begin with an examination of the re-emergence in the 1980s and 1990s of significant feminist concerns about trafficking and prostitution. The two main theoretical positions advanced at this time are explored - radical feminism and sex work feminism. I argue that radical feminist approaches to prostitution and trafficking are fundamentally flawed and that a sex work feminist approach has significant discursive and practical usefulness in advancing the position of both sex workers and victims of trafficking. From this perspective, I then present a feminist critique of the United Nations Trafficking Protocol and conclude that it has some strengths but also some major weaknesses.     

Korean transracial adoptee identity formation

Despite nearly half a million transnational adoptions to the United States, most of which are also transracial, sociological research has given little attention to this phenomenon. This review demonstrates why more sociological attention on Korean transnational adoption in particular is warranted. I review one area with overwhelming sociological significance—identity formation, including the distinct dimensions of racial, ethnic, and adoptive identities. While the bulk of this research has taken place outside of sociology, in reviewing the findings, I argue the sociological significance of Korean transnational transracial adoption to examinations of race, racialization, and identity formation.     

Bridging Immigration Research and Racial Formation Theory to Examine Contemporary Immigrant Identities

This article explores the potential for linking immigration research with racial formation theory to examine contemporary immigrant identities. The current literature is dominated by three paradigms (ethnicity, nationalism, and transnationalism) and five theoretical perspectives on immigrant identities (plain American, hyphenated American, panethnic American, nationality origin, and transnational). They are all flawed in their reductions of race to the concepts of ethnicity, nationality, and transnationality. Based on my reading of the existing research, I will argue that immigration researchers can benefit from using racial formation theory to explore immigrant identity due to its acknowledgment of the autonomous power of race. However, racial formation theory has been correctly challenged due to its high level of abstraction and lack of micro‐level analyses. Certain transnational migration studies have underscored the necessity to integrate national origin into racial formation theoretical frameworks. According to this transnational perspective, my conclusion is that immigrant families represent a logical starting point for conceptualizing the relationship between immigration and racial formation.     

Imagining "In-between" Peoples across the Atlantic

Abstract  In the early twentieth century, a wave of immigration from Eastern and Southern Europe to the United States caused natives' anxiety and debates over the racial purity of "the nation." By mid-century, these new-comers would be accepted in the ethnic wing of the white race. Across academic disciplines, this immigrant history has become emblematic of how "white people" in the United States are not born but made. Focusing on narratives on "the Balkans" in the popular at the time scientific magazine the National Geographic , this study examines American racial ideas of immigrants from the region from a comparative and cross-national perspective.     

Reflexivity and the Construction of Competing Discourses of Masculinity in a Female‐Dominated Profession

This paper contributes to the debates on reflexivity and change by extending our understanding of (non‐)reflexivity mechanisms in the discursive constructions of gender. Specifically, I explore how and why women persistently construct contradictory discursive accounts of men and masculinity in a female‐dominated profession of counselling psychology in Russia. Drawing on the concept of ‘interpretative repertoires’ I argue that female counsellors construct different kinds of masculinities based on three ‘repertoires’: psycho‐biological, structural and relational. I demonstrate how these constructions of masculinity are imbued with different meanings and are used to explain only certain contexts, which precludes women's ability to reflect on their contradictory nature. I conclude by discussing how an exploration of discursive (non‐)reflexivity extends our understanding of the conditions for gender transformations.     

Gender and the 'New Paradigm' of Health

This article provides a critical review of literature on the relationship between gender and the 'new paradigm' of health. An overview of the feminist critique of health is given, from the Women's Health Movement of the late 1960s and early feminist debates about medicalisation, to more recent discussions about structural inequalities between men and women, eating disorders, and AIDS. I then go on to explore the feminist response to the so-called 'new paradigm' of health (an approach that emphasises health promotion, individual responsibility for health, and body-monitoring). Arguments that health promotion initiatives target women and confirm their position as principal guardians of health within the family are considered, as well as literature on the breast cancer awareness campaign. I then explore the growing body of literature on masculinity and health, and its account of the relationship between gender and current ideas about healthiness. Finally, I offer up some suggestions for the direction a new feminist critique of health might take.     

"What Group?" Studying Whites and Whiteness in the Era of "Color‐Blindness"

In this article I argue that despite the claims of some, all whites in racialized societies "have race." But because of the current context of race in our society, I argue that scholars of "whiteness" face several difficult theoretical and methodological challenges. First is the problem of how to avoid essentializing race when talking about whites as a social collective. That is, scholars must contend with the challenge of how to write about what is shared by those racialized as white without implying that their experiences of racialization all will be the same. Second, within the current context of color‐blind racial discourse, researchers must confront the reality that some whites claim not to experience their whiteness at all. Third, studies of whiteness must not be conducted in a vacuum: racial discourse or "culture" cannot be separated from material realities. Only by attending to and by recognizing these challenges will empirical research on whiteness be able to push the boundaries of our understandings about the role of whites as racial actors and thereby also contribute to our understanding of how race works more generally .     

Debating US Contemporary Feminism

The US women's movement has challenged societal norms, policies, laws, and culture since its inception. However, at the same time, it has inspired debates about its goals, ideology, tactics, and outcomes. These debates emerge from two main sources: the mainstream media as it reflects dominant culture and among feminist activists and/or scholars. I elaborate on three of the most contentious aspects of contemporary feminism through a series of questions: Is the movement still in existence? What is the relationship between generations of feminists? And finally, how have feminists addressed diversity, privilege, and inclusion in the movement, particularly around issues of race‐ethnicity? I conclude that while the movement still exists, feminists continue to struggle with generational relations, and contemporary activists have not created an inclusive and diverse movement. However, I argue that these debates and struggles are evidence of a vibrant movement that continues into the 21st century.     

Gendering (Trans)National Advocacy

Whether lauded or deplored, transnational organizing among non-governmental organizations (NGOs) generally, and women's NGOs specifically, is recognized as an active player in debates about international economic policy. In this article, I turn attention toward one consequence of women's transnational NGO organizing that has been under-analyzed: the impact that transnational activism has on domestic political organizations and opportunities. The recent increase in activism on gender and policies of free trade in the USA is the product of women's transnational political organizingover the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). In the case of NAFTA, theoretical insights about the ways that gendered categories undergird the economy were made visible by and through the transnational advocacy in which feminists engaged.And, this article indicates, these transnational advocacy efforts have helped to shift the domestic political terrain of women's organizing in the United States. I argue that as women's rights advocates in the United States were confronted with the realization that the nexus between gender and trade policy was important to many women's rights and feminist activists around the world, they began to question why the gendered implication of trade policy did not hold a comparable place in the US feminist arena. Thus, changes in the domestic political landscape of non-governmentalactivismmay be one of the longest lasting (and most overlooked) consequences of transnational political engagement.     

A New Type of (White) Provider: Shifting Masculinities in Mainstream Country Music from the 1980s to the 2010s

Masculinities have been rearranged in rural communities across the United States over the last four decades in response to shifting socioeconomic conditions. However, whether and how rural masculinity has been redefined at the national level over this same time period has received less attention. This paper presents a longitudinal analysis of representations of masculinity in mainstream country music from the 1980s to the 2010s. Analyzing the lyrics from over 800 weeks of songs that topped the Billboard country music charts, I find that working-class occupations and heterosexuality were relatively consistent components of representations of men across these decades. There were also two notable transformations. Depictions of providing shifted away from a traditional breadwinner toward men providing women with alcohol, transportation, and places to hook up. Masculinity and whiteness also became more closely linked. I argue that these rearranged intersections of gender, class, sexuality, and race enable the continued reproduction of gendered inequalities amid rural men’s worsening employment prospects. These results suggest shifting intersections of gender, class, sexuality, and race will inform how gendered inequalities are reproduced as socioeconomic conditions continue to transform in rural communities.     

Governing multicultural populations and family life

Shortly after coming to power in Britain, the Conservative–Liberal Democratic alliance placed family life at the heart of their political agenda, and set out their plans to reform adoption. The paper draws upon debates about the reforms and considers them in articulation with concerns about health of the nation expressed in political pronouncements on ‘broken Britain’ and the failures of ‘state multiculturalism’. The paper considers the debates about domestic (transracial) and intercountry adoption, and uses feminist postcolonial perspectives to argue that we can only understand what are expressed as national issues within a transnational and postcolonial framework which illuminate the processes of state and institutional race‐making. The paper analyses three key instances of biopower and governmentality in the adoption debates: the population, the normalizing family and the individual. The paper argues that we need to understand the reforms as part of a wider concern with the ‘problem’ of multicultural belonging, and that the interlocking discourses of nation, family and identities are crucial to the constitution and regulation of gendered, racialized subjects.     

Gazing into a Distorted Looking Glass: Masculinity, Femininity, Appearance Ideals, and the Black Body

This article reviews socio-psychological literature on racial identity development and feminist work on the body in an effort to better understand past and present constructions of the Black body. I begin by providing a brief overview of previous research on Black identity and self-image, noting how these theories have been applied to appearance. I then historically trace the unique raced and gendered constructions of Black masculinity and femininity – showing how the experiences of Black men and women differ from the White hegemonic paradigm. Finally, I review current research on the Black body and highlight areas of inquiry where the field can be further expanded.     

Queering reproductive justice: Framing reproduction of gay men from a transnational perspective—Taiwan as a case

This article uses Taiwan as an example to argue that reproductive justice for gay men should be conceptualised within social, legal, and political contexts. Taiwan is the first Asian country to legalise same-sex marriage, yet the law favours heterosexual couples and denies LGBTQ+ reproductive rights. Thus, Taiwanese gay men seek third-party reproduction overseas to become parents. This article exemplifies gay men's unequal conditions from a non-Western perspective. I re-examine scholarly literature on the interlocking concepts of reproductive justice, stratified reproduction, and queer reproduction to answer what reproductive justice gay men need and how their injustice position situates within and beyond the nation-state borders. Drawing on the reproductive justice framework and studies of queer reproduction, this article proposes a transnational perspective to understand queer reproductive justice through the case that elucidates the specific context of Taiwanese gay men. This article aims to make two contributions. Firstly, it reconsiders the reproductive framework from a transnational perspective to argue that gay men's reproductive justice should be conceptualised at the intersection with other dimensions of injustice. Secondly, this article suggests that the transnational approach could be applied as a critical lens for future research in queer reproduction and reproductive justice.     

Multi‐sited ethnography: Opportunities for the study of race

Multi‐sited ethnography (MSE) is an underutilized research method that presents particular challenges and unique possibilities for generative research that can build upon existing theories of race and ethnicity. This review discusses the theoretical and methodological components of MSE and provides examples of both transnational and translocal ethnographic studies. These examples illustrate how MSE as a method can enrich analyses of race and ethnicity by enabling ethnographers to identify site‐specific phenomena as well as social processes that transcend a single locale. MSE, when intentionally paired with methodological framings in line with research priorities, can enable scholars to produce rigorous sociological analysis and theory building. Multi‐sited ethnographies of race can provide a set of analyses that complement a range of other sociological research tools, including single‐sited ethnography and quantitative studies, to deepen our understandings about the production and maintenance of racial and ethnic categories in the United States and transnationally.     

Towards a global theory of colorblindness: Comparing colorblind racial ideology in France and the United States

In this article, we apply key tenants of colorblindness, as a racial ideology developed in the United States, to France. In France, colorblindness means more than not seeing how race structures opportunities and outcomes; it also means not acknowledging racial and ethnic categories. Colorblindness arose in a different historical context, for different reasons, and as a product of different mechanisms in France than it did in the United States. We argue that despite variations in the contexts and mechanisms underpinning colorblindness between the United States and France, the consequences are markedly similar in both contexts. Colorblind ideology silences opposition to racial and ethnic inequality and maintains white supremacy in both contexts. Finally, we demonstrate that such a comparison moves us closer towards aglobal theory of colorblindness.     

"IF YOU'RE HALF BLACK, YOU'RE JUST BLACK": Reflected Appraisals and the Persistence of the One-Drop Rule

Despite growing interest in multiracial identity, much of the research remains atheoretical and limited in its approach to measuring identity. Taking a multidimensional approach to identity and drawing on reflected appraisals (how they think others see them), I examine racial identity among black-white adults in the South and the lingering influence of the one-drop rule. Most respondents internally identify as black and when asked to explain these black identities, they describe how both blacks and whites see them as black. I argue that the one-drop rule still shapes racial identity, namely through the process of reflected appraisals.     

The role of bail and pretrial detention in the reproduction of racial inequalities

The role of bail systems in the United States has been understudied within the sociology of punishment. The use of monetary bail is pervasive in the United States, contributing to a rising number of pretrial detainees and, consequently, jail populations. Since 2000, 95% of the growth in jail populations has been the result of the growing number of people held in jail pretrial. Moreover, racial and ethnic minorities account for a disproportionate number of pretrial detainees. In this review, I first summarize the empirical literature on racial and economic disparities in the use of bail and pretrial detention , arguing that race and social class are important determinants of who is ultimately detained. I also highlight the literature on the downstream outcomes associated with pretrial detention, and several recent studies which suggest that pretrial detention has a causal effect on conviction. Second, I consider how inequalities in policing and arrests, in combination with pretrial processes, lead to cumulative disadvantages. Lastly, I highlight recent debates surrounding the use of pretrial risk assessment tools and whether they serve as panacea or pariah for mitigating discrimination in criminal processing.     

Deepening and widening the gap: The impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on gender and racial inequalities in Brazil

Shaped by inconsistent policy decisions, the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil has made structural gender and racial inequalities more acute. Black and low-income women are overburdened with unpaid domestic work, increased domestic violence, and more vulnerable due to informal and exploitative working regimes. These structural aspects are intensifying, since the pandemic has broadened inequalities at the intersection of gender, race, labor market, and social class. We examine pre- and during pandemic inequalities on three dimensions: (a) unpaid domestic and care work, (b) women's labor market participation, and (c) domestic violence. We link the care diamond model and racial stratification forwarding a feminist perspective by examining how the interlocking of race and gender in Brazil renders different socioeconomic dynamics to the detriment of Black and low-income women. Based on this evidence, we stress that a more equal future requires a better social protection and policies targeting the articulation of gender, race, and class.