京津人才合作与天津高级人才发展策略

一、导言随着京津冀城市一体化进程的推进,京津冀的发展越来越紧密地联系在一起。城市要发展,人才是关键,自2005年以来,京、津、冀三省市逐步在人才交流服务、高层次人才智力共享、紧缺人才培训、博士后工作站建设、专业技术职务任职资格和国际职业资格互认、专业技术人员继续教育资源共享、公务员互派交流学习、引进国外智力、编制人才开发规划、     

深化京津合作 助力首都经济圈发展

2013年3月,京、津两市签署《关于加强经济与社会发展合作协议》,将从区域规划编制、交通基础设施建设、产业、科教、港口物流、人才、文化旅游会展、金融、环境保护和建立合作机制10个方面全面加强合作。随着协议的签署,京、津两市各方面的合作已在时不我待、紧锣密鼓地有序开展。近期,京、津的旅游部门在10个方面的合作上达成了共识;两市的科技部门决定在共同筹建京、津科研协助共同体等10个方面加强协作;京     

关于京津联合发展的基本政策研究

一、京津联合发展的战略作用与相应的政策战略 改革开放十五年来,中国经济取得了巨大发展,但也出现了南快北慢的不平衡状况。这对充分发挥我国北方资源优势,协调全国经济的发展,保持全国大局的稳定,保持中国在东北亚经济发展中的利益和地位,都是十分需要注意的大问题。而京津联合发展,再造北方经济发展的新优势,使北方经济发展赶上南方的步伐,这不仅会大促进我国整体经济实力的增强,而且会与珠江三角洲和长江     

天津副都发展战略构想

副都是区域城市现代化高度发展条件下城市之间合理分工与协作的必然产物。当首都因功能负担过多而导致城市发展严重失控时,它必然要求具备较好城市基础的毗邻城市来分担首都的部分功能。毗邻首都北京的天津,以其“河海要冲”、“畿辅门户”之便     

陆桥经济带协作发展的战略构想

陆桥经济带的东部口岸是江苏的连云港市和山东的日照市,西部口岸是新疆的阿拉山口,陇海-兰新铁路干线是该地带的经济大动脉.它东连太平洋,西接大西洋,成为横跨亚欧大陆的国际大通道,也是惟一横贯我国东、中、西部的经济长廊.它有东西两个口岸,向东可以走海路,向西可以走陆路,是我国走向中亚、西亚、东欧、西欧的最捷径.该经济带内包括新、甘、青、宁、陕、晋、豫、皖、苏、鲁10个省区,360万平方公里的地域和近3亿人口,各种社会经济资源丰富.因此,加快这一地带的经济协作和区域联合,对于推动我国从沿海到内地再到边疆大范围的经济提升与发展具有极为重要的战略意义;同时,对于亚太经济、环太平洋经济乃至世界经济也会产生重要的影响.     

京津联动发展战略背景下的天津定位问题研究

正京津联动发展是中央实施京津冀协同发展战略的核心内容,也是中央实施京津冀协同发展战略中难度最大的问题。而京津联动发展的首要问题是京津功能定位的协调问题。在北京的首都核心功能定位确定后,天津的定位问题就成为亟待研究和解决的重要战略问题。一、中央对天津两次大的定位在发展中存在的问题分析(一)北方重要经济中心定位问题的分析1996年,国家进入九五计划时期,将环渤海地区列为7个跨省区市经济区域的第     

关于高校音乐艺术团队与企业文化建设战略合作的构想

本文拟从现代企业文化将音乐作为传播手段的必要性出发,通过阐述音乐艺术对企业文化的影响及作用,最终将着眼点放在高校音乐艺术团队和企业文化建设的战略合作上,使二者相辅相成,又能达到双赢的目的。     

发展天津都市工业园的思考与政策建议

国际化大都市的建设经验表明,都市工业对推进城市现代化建设、促进经济发展具有积极作用,新世纪前20年是我国全面建设小康社会的战略机遇期,也是都市型工业发展的重要历史时期.     

Institutional analysis and the role of ideas in political economy

Theory and Society -     

Economic development and political transformation

Conclusion Social structure and economic development largely influence the nature of social conflicts and political transformation. A combination of low political and economic integration and a high level of consolidation results in reformist conflicts. Low state intervention in the allocation and accumulation of capital reduces the probability that class conflict will be directed against the state. When state intervention is low, depoliticized, abstract market forces determine capital allocation and accumulation. In addition, low political and economic integration may give the state the appearance of serving societal interests rather than the interests of the upper class. This appearance of autonomy is reinforced by the institutions of formal democracy. As a consequence, class conflict is contained within civil society and deflected from the state. When consolidation is high, reformist conflicts against holders of capital may emerge. The United States experienced such movements in the 1930s. During the Great Depression, the state was drawn into some conflicts, but was not attacked by the working class. Today, the United States, like other advanced industrial societies, is less receptive to consolidation because of moderate levels of economic polarization, greater economic resilience, and high social differentiation. When state intervention and consolidation are low, organized groups with resources may gain economic benefits through segmented class conflict, whereas collectivities with weak solidarity and few resources remain inactive. Such is the case in the United States today.The combination of a high level of state intervention in capital allocation and accumulation with a high level of consolidation increases the likelihood of revolutionary conflict. High state intervention in capital allocation and accumulation has crucial social consequences. First, it politicizes other-wise abstract market relations. Second, it clearly reveals the state to be allied with a small circle of upper-class entrepreneurs, thereby discrediting the state's claim to serve societal interest. As a consequence, class conflict can readily assume a political character, expanding its target to include the state. A high level of consolidation enhances the capacity of challenging groups to act collectively to resist repression and seize power. Consolidation is more likely in societies with a high level of economic polarization, highly dependent economies, and low social differentiation. Russia in 1917 and Iran and Nicaragua in 1979 are revealing examples. The Russian and Nicaraguan revolutions were carried out primarily by workers and peasants, which helps explain the socialist orientation of the new leadership. In contrast, in Iran, the revolution was largely based on the conflicts and struggles of the traditional middle class, which eventually led to the formation of the theocratic state. A combination of high state intervention and low consolidation generates segmented conflict directed against the state. Many Third World societies are experiencing such a conflict today.To conclude, Marx's analysis focused primarily on social classes underemphasizing the significance of the state and its relation to society and economy. Skocpol's analysis, on the other hand, primarily focused on the state and the upper class, and failed to specify the proper, determining variables. If the analysis presented here is useful in specifying the conditions and forms of social conflicts, we must pay greater attention to social structural analysis, the nature of the relationship between the state, economy, social classes, and solidarity structures.     

城市发展的理念

随着城市化进程的不断加快,我国城市发展进入了一个新的阶段,几乎所有城市都在加速扩大城市范围,城市总体规划不断调整、修编,人口规模和用地规模不断增加,城市基础设施建设规模越来越大,公共服务设施在数量和体量上都有大幅度的提高,城市发展已成为不可阻挡的潮流.     

Populist things. A study on the materiality of political ideas

Is there such thing as a populist thing? This article tries to answer this question by comparing two iconic populist objects: the Make America Great Again (MAGA) cap and the yellow vest. Despite their centrality to populist politics, there is remarkably little systematic examination of these objects' populist affordances, let alone a comparative study. We propose to address this lacuna by performing a pragmatic analysis of each object's role in the populist politics of the United States and France, respectively. Our comparison uncovers two findings, which, in turn, help us answer our research question. First, our study of the MAGA cap reveals how nationalism and populism can be combined into a powerful political message. Second, the yellow vest exemplifies how populism functions on its own that is, as a way of doing politics that is centred on feelings of resentment. Either in conjunction with other political phenomena (e.g., nationalism) or by itself, populism emerges from our analysis as a logic of action that involves both linguistic claims and physical objects. Things, in this reading, are surprisingly central to how populism operates.     

“居者有其屋”的政策建言——房地产业调控的经济分析

一、房地产业调控的目标和背景 "居者有其屋"是中国人世世代代的愿景.当年孙中山先生将其列为民生之大要;当今的执政党和中央政府更视其为建立和谐社会的基础.中华人民共和国建成的前30年,基本采用计划经济的手段实现这一目标,由于在"产品经济"的制度环境下无法启动其他的社会力量,"居者有其屋"只能是低水平、低标准的:广大的农村人口(约占全国人口的80%)仍延习几千年的传统自建住房,而人民公社制度使农村人群已无穷富之分,自然也见不到旧时的豪宅大院,大多数农民的住房以土坯建造:城镇居民的住房来源,一是以"单位"的名义建公房分配给本单位员工使用,一是由当地的房产管理部门收集、新建所谓"社会公房"租给市民使用.