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《Social Sciences in China》2004,(4)
本文根据西方发达国家社会政策的发展过程,提出了社会政策时代的概念,指出社会政策时代是现代社会社会福利发展的某种形态,它具有以下主要特征:第一,社会公正的理念被普遍认可;第二,覆盖面较宽的诸多社会政策出台;第三,社会政策被制度化地有效实施。文章指出各国的社会政策时代可能具有不同的表现形式,中国的科学发展观具有深刻的社会政策意涵。作者认为,从社会发展的需求和政府制定社会政策的现状来看,中国有望在不久迎来社会政策时代。在这一过程中,政府的社会政策能力将受到考验,文章认为,中国政府要加强社会政策能力建设。 相似文献
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Teacher,Researcher and … Policy Actor? Social Work Academics’ Involvement in Social Policy 下载免费PDF全文
Idit Weiss‐Gal John Gal Talia‐Meital Schwartz‐Tayri 《Social Policy & Administration》2017,51(5):776-795
This cross‐sectional quantitative study expands the knowledge on the level of involvement of social work academics (SWAs) in social policy formulation processes, and the factors associated with this. SWAs are an interesting case for exploring the academia–policy nexus because they are affiliated with a profession in which the discourse regards social policy as a target of intervention. The study took place in Israel, where social work is strongly embedded in academia and enjoys relatively high professional status. The study drew upon a sample, which consisted of 57 per cent of all SWAs in Israel, and employed questionnaires developed specifically for the study. The findings show that the highest levels of involvement were in activities characterized by more active, public sphere routes of influence within the policy arena that were undertaken in conjunction with traditional social work partners. Social work scholars engaged in these activities more during the initial stages of the policy process. These forms of policy involvement reflect the dual impact of academia and the social work profession upon SWAs. Associated with level of involvement were individual factors, which included academic rank, perception of the social role of academia, perceived individual policy role, and perceived policy competencies. By contrast, factors linked to institutional support for policy engagement were not found to be associated with policy involvement. 相似文献
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Stephen McKay 《Social Policy & Administration》2012,46(5):526-543
A metrics‐based assessment can predict reasonably well the overall outcome of the Research Assessment Exercise 2008 for social work and social policy and administration in terms of research environment, but not in terms of research outputs. It is not possible to replicate peer review of the research outputs using existing data. It is sometimes argued that citation counts provide an alternative approach that might help research assessment, but it is one fraught with difficulties. Academics did not, in fact, routinely chose to submit their most cited work. At least in this subject, metrics are more suited as handmaiden to peer review than its replacement. 相似文献
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The central aim of this paper is to show how different types of green movement respond to questions of social policy. An important factor in this is a difference in attitudes to the state between more anarchistic greens and those greens that are prepared to accept a permanent and/or strategic role for the state. The paper is divided into two parts. In part one, after defning the green movement, it outlines how different green social movements from local groups, direct action protestors, established environmental groups and green political parties, have developed analyses, responses and alternatives to social policy issues. Part two of the paper looks at some of the ideological/theoretical debates within green politics with regard to social policy, with particular regard to the role of the state. It goes on to look at some of the ways in which European green parties have viewed social policy, and at proposals they have advanced for moving the aim of social policy from welfare to well-being. It concludes with suggesting that the post-materialist characterization of green politics is very wide of the mark in terms of the range of analyses and policy alternatives greens have put forward, from health, education and drugs to transport. The central and long-standing green concern with lessening socioeconomic inequalities (but without relying on indiscriminate and unsustainable economic growth) means that in terms of social policy, green politics can be seen as an environmentalism of the poor, concerned with materialist issues. 相似文献
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《Social Sciences in China》2007,(3)
The present heating supply system in urban China is a component of the public welfare system based on the work unit system and public ownership 相似文献
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Michael J. Prince 《Social Policy & Administration》2001,35(1):2-13
Long regarded as a 'laggard' among welfare states in advanced industrial countries, the USA may be emerging as a 'leader' in the reformation of social programmes and the relationship between government, the market economy, and civil society. The dissemination and impact of this new orthodoxy is realized, in large part, through discursive practices. Fiscalization and marketization are two processes central to this growing influence of American social policy. Fiscal and market discourse, while not new, have increased in acceptance and influence, and are changing the welfare state from within by altering perceptions of issues, vocabularies used and programme reforms adopted. 相似文献
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《Social Sciences in China》2007,(4)
There can be no doubt of the signifi-cance of a review of the merits and demeritsof China’s population regulation and controlpolicy since 1949 and exploration of the fu-ture direction of population policy reform. 相似文献
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Daniel Béland Paula Blomqvist Jørgen Goul Andersen Joakim Palme Alex Waddan 《Social Policy & Administration》2014,48(7):739-756
The debate about the future of universal social programmes has been raging for years, both in social‐democratic and in liberal welfare states. The objective of this article is to contribute to the literature on universality by analyzing the evolution of universal social programmes in two social‐democratic and two liberal countries: Denmark, Sweden, Canada and the UK. This choice of countries provides the opportunity to investigate whether the principle and practice of universality has fared differently both within and between countries. The analysis focuses primarily on the national level while exploring three policy areas: pensions, healthcare and family policy, specifically child benefits and day care. The main conclusion of our comparative analysis is clear: among our two liberal and two social‐democratic countries, the institutional strength of universality varies greatly from one policy area and one country to another. Considering this, there is no such a thing as a universal decline of universality. 相似文献
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Sue Hawkins 《Social history》2017,42(4):558-560
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Emalee Beddoes 《Social history》2013,38(2):302-303
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T. M. Devine 《Social history》2013,38(3):331-346
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We conducted a field study to investigate positive intergroup attitudes (i.e., allophilia) and equality values as potential antecedents of social policy support for multiracial individuals. Participants (N = 97) reported their social policy support for multiracial individuals in two ways—support for the recognition of multiracial as a distinct racial category (recognition) and support for multiracial individuals' access to programs and policies (assistance). Results revealed that allophilia motivated those who held equality beliefs to support social policies for multiracial individuals. Implications of these findings for theories of positive intergroup relations, as well as the processes that may underlie progress for multiracial individuals, are discussed. 相似文献
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María A. Farah Quijano 《Social Policy & Administration》2009,43(4):397-408
This article provides a 'situated' gender analysis of the Colombian conditional cash transfer programme, Familias en Acción, offering empirical evidence from a specific rural setting. This 'located' approach shows that generalizations about gender implications of conditional cash transfer programmes in Latin America do not always fit neatly with realities. The article shows how the implementation of these programmes in a specific rural context, the municipality of Paipa, reflects a reinforcement of traditional gender allocations and responsibilities. At the same time, the local authorities, official workers and the mothers adapt the social programmes to recent gender trends. For example, men may carry out some domestic activities single-handedly, take care of children without their wives, women may leave men, and women and men may work together in off-farm activities, with husbands and wives taking joint decisions about domestic issues. In other words, the gender effects of the Familias en Acción programme in rural settings currently move between old gender customs and practices and changeable gender conditions. In Latin-American terms, it is possible to say that these conditions range between 'machismo' and 'feminist liberalization'. 相似文献