Game theory,cheap talk and post‐truth politics: David Lewis vs. John Searle on reasons for truth‐telling

I offer two potential diagnoses of the behavioral norms governing post‐truth politics by comparing the view of language, communication, and truth‐telling put forward by David Lewis (extended by game theorists), and John Searle. My first goal is to specify the different ways in which Lewis, and game theorists more generally, in contrast to Searle (in the company of Paul Grice and Jürgen Habermas), go about explaining the normativity of truthfulness within a linguistic community. The main difference is that for Lewis and game theorists, “truthful” signaling follows from an alignment of interests, and deception follows from mixed motives leading to the calculation that sending false information is better for oneself. Following in the Enlightenment tradition, Searle argues that practical reasoning, which involves mastery of at least one language, requires that actors intend to communicate. This intention includes constraining the content of statements to uphold veracity conditions. After distinguishing between these two accounts, I will articulate the implications for explaining, and even informing actions, constitutive of post‐truth politics. I argue that the strategic view of communication is sufficient neither to model everyday conversation nor to reflect a public sphere useful for democratic government. Both the pedagogy of strategic communication as cheap talk, and its concordance with new digital information technologies, challenge norms of truthfulness that underlie modern institutions essential to an effective public sphere.     

The impact of the EU sugar trade reform on poor households in developing countries: A general equilibrium analysis

We use a modified version of the applied general equilibrium model GTAP, called GTAP_MH, to evaluate the impact of a reduction in the EU's support price for sugar on income distribution of African households. For LDC countries, non-ACP but participant in the EBA initiative a +2% change is indicated in term of income generation across all ten social strata identified within GTAP_MH framework, with positive percentage changes in supply prices at household level of endowment commodities, and positive percentage changes in price indices for private household expenditures. The big losers will be those countries that would no longer be able to compete at an international level as a result of the lost preferences.     

Growth,inequality and poverty in Vietnam: How did trade liberalisation help the poor, 2002–2008

Using the Vietnamese Living Standards Surveys for 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008, we explore how provinces with differential access to trade liberalisation reforms differ in their pro-poor growth performance in Vietnam. Using both non-parametric and parametric estimation, we find strong, robust evidence of pro-poor growth in provinces with greater exposure to trade liberalisation. Using censored and uncensored regressions, the study also shows that increased wages play a critical role in this outcome. Our analysis enables identification of the core mechanisms through which the poor materialise their gains from trade-driven growth in a transition economy.     

Currency devaluation and trade balance: Evidence from the US services trade

This study aims to revisit the effectiveness of using currency devaluation as a policy tool to improve trade balance by estimating the exchange rate elasticities of services trade between the US and rest of the world with quarterly disaggregated services trade data from 1999 to 2015. Empirical results reveal that the impacts of currency devaluation on individual services trade are mixed and largely depend on the nature of services. Using currency devaluation to raise export services trade and reduce import services trade seems to be more effective in the long-run but not in the short-run. It is interesting to note that some individual services trades are insensitive to exchange rate changes. The estimates also reveal that most categories of services trade are income elastic and economic growth plays a key role in determining the imports and exports of services trade.     

Population-conflict models: blaming the poor for poverty

International security is increasingly concerned with environmentally-induced regional conflicts. The standard approach to this field posits population growth as the primary cause of environmental scarcity and/or degradation, which then results in violence. This paper seeks to demonstrate how a limited focus on population growth per se disguises the violence that is inherent within the unequal distribution of social resources. The focus on population growth thus ends in blaming the poorest of the earth’s citizens for environmental scarcity. We draw on the agent/structure debate on violence in addition to ecofeminist and feminist critiques of the population-conflict models to draw attention to how the dominant culture maintains and normalizes the violence of social domination.     

Free trade,food-processing,and migration: An analysis of Mexican immigration in the U.S. Great Plains Region

This paper empirically identifies the factors driving Mexican immigration into the U.S. Great Plains region, focusing especially on the role of work in the Mexican and U.S. food-processing sectors, which in the context of NAFTA-induced foreign direct investments, opens up paths for migration along occupational lines into the U.S. from Mexico. Using a unique dataset on Mexican migration, the study addresses three related questions in a series of multivariate logistic regression analyses. First, is employment in the U.S. food-processing sector associated with Mexican migration into the Great Plains region? Second, does employment in the Mexican food-processing sector predict employment in the Great Plains food-processing sector? Finally, is the political–economic context linking Mexico and the U.S. related to the formation of occupational channels linking the food-processing sectors in Mexico and the U.S.? The findings demonstrate that the U.S. food-processing sector is a strong predictor of Mexican migration to the Great Plains region; Mexican migration is strongly channeled along occupational lines from Mexico to the U.S.; and the implementation of NAFTA, a period of intensive political–economic integration, strengthens the occupational channel between the food-processing sectors.     

Environmental interests in trade policy: Institutional reform and the North American free trade agreement

National environmental organizations played two roles during negotiations of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Adversarial environmental organizations threatened to defeat NAFTA by forming coalitions with labor and other interest groups opposed to its passage. Accommodating environmental organizations used their formal and informal access to pro-trade policy elites to negotiate provisions which included environmental concerns in NAFTA without jeopardizing the overall goals to expand economic activity. Both groups explored the political sequence of events responsible for linking environmental issues to trade poicy negotiations. Despite unprecedented gains for environmentalists in NAFTA, it is not certain whether the new role of environmentalists will result in continued progress in efforts to reconcile trade and environmental policy goals.     

Emergency contraception: the politics of post-coital contraception

The literature and events related to the politicization of emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs) in the United States is reviewed. The basis of opposition to the regimen, rooted in the mode of action of ECPs, the confusion with mifepristone, and the challenges this presents for ECP advocates is also discussed. Legislative actions that impact the availability of ECPs are described, as well as efforts to increase access and availability through innovative programs, legislation, and changes in medical practice. Recommendations for future research, service delivery, and public policy are also presented .     

Conceptualising the politics of social protection expansion in low income countries: The intersection of transnational ideas and domestic politics

The growing literature on social protection in low income developing countries has tended to focus on definitional debates, policy design and impact evaluations, with relatively little consideration of the ways in which politics shape policy. This article argues that politics needs to be at the centre of efforts to understand social protection and outlines a new conceptual framework for investigating this, with a particular focus on explaining the variation in progress made by low income countries in adopting and implementing social protection. We propose that an adapted ‘political settlements’ framework that incorporates insights from the literatures on welfare state development – notably ‘power constellations’ theory, discursive institutionalism and global policy networks – can help frame political commitment to social protection as flowing from the interaction of domestic political economy and transnational ideas. Importantly, this approach situates social protection within a broader political and policy context, and highlights the influence of underlying power relations at multiple levels.