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1.
ABSTRACT

This article explores the dynamics of power and ideology that congeal around the narrative of Sumak Kawsay, or Good Living in Ecuador. My purpose is document these social and cultural logics of extractivist capitalism through a detailed ethnography of these processes within indigenous communities in Ecuador. Specifically, I focus on the communities within Block 20 of Amazonian Ecuador, the site of the Pungarayacu heavy petroleum project, 2008–2015, in the Province of Napo. The paper provides an analysis and ethnographic examples of the political, social and cultural relations that defined the implementation of the heavy petroleum project in the region; the analysis details not only the close connections among the State, the company, and local governments, but also the way indigenous communities were controlled and subordinated to the interests of extractivism. My argument is that, for Amazonian communities located in strategic zones, extractivism is a sphere of exchange that is intimately connected with development. Development and its ideology of Good Living naturalize and legitimate extractivist activities, and allow capitalism to expand and adapt to different State logics. The narrative of Good Living, I conclude, is ideological. Its true purpose is not social welfare or the reform of capitalism, but rather power.  相似文献   

2.
陈恭 《科学发展》2013,(10):93-98
综观东亚新兴经济体和欧美发达国家在社会政策领域的路径变迁,可以得出"两个转型"的基本结论,即东亚新兴经济体从单一追求经济增长逐渐向追求经济与社会平衡发展转型;欧美发达国家从倚重国家福利向倚重社会投资与国家福利平衡发展转型。这两个处于不同社会发展阶段的转型,对中国当前的社会发展和社会政策改革都有着非常重要的启示意义。中国作为具有后发优势的全球最有活力的新兴经济体,当前既需要解决经济增长与社会发展之间的失衡问题,也需要未雨绸缪,避免陷入欧美国家福利陷阱而背上沉重的财政包袱。因此,在国家与市场之间找到一条最具效率性和合理性的社会发展路径,才是符合当前中国社会政策改革的逻辑。  相似文献   

3.
This paper analyses how migrant community practices of transnational lived citizenship were altered by both, COVID-19 and the policy response from the Kenyan government. It is based on interviews with members of the Eritrean and Ethiopian diaspora residing in Nairobi. The paper demonstrates how policies introduced because of the pandemic caused migrant communities to lose local and remittance income. More than the loss of material resources, however, they were impacted by the elimination of social spaces that enable diaspora lives. These two dynamics have intensified a trend that may have been present before the pandemic, a local turn of transnational lived citizenship. By focusing on lived experiences and how they have been re-assessed during the pandemic, the paper argues that transnational lived citizenship is always in flux and can easily become reconfigured as more localized practices. The concept of transnational lived citizenship is demonstrated to be a useful lens for analysing shifting migrant livelihoods and belonging.  相似文献   

4.
This article examines the relationship between egalitarian gender attitudes and its effect on income, poverty, and social service utilization. In a sample of married fathers in the Fragile Families data (N = 717), we conducted regression analyses on these questions, five years after initial interviews. Our results indicate that egalitarian attitudes were positively associated with income and social service utilization and negatively associated with poverty. Implications of these findings are discussed, including possible explanations for these findings, their importance for social work practice, and recommendations for social policy.  相似文献   

5.
Within a climate of reduced social welfare support, disadvantaged working-class communities in Canada are in transition as they consider their futures without the industries that were once the staples of their economies. In this paper, I examine how a group of young women and men living in Industrial Cape Breton – a disadvantaged Atlantic Canadian working-class community – negotiate the traditional gendered identities ascribed to them through local history with twenty-first-century conceptions of family and gender. Young adults in this study suggest that class-based and gender-based capital plays a significant role in how these changes are experienced by individuals, families, and communities. Furthermore, the social, economic, and psychological expenses for individuals attempting to secure economic comfort and gendered respectability in their disadvantaged communities leave little time and energy to critically reflect on the systemic social and economic conditions that enable class-based gender inequalities to thrive. As a result, traditional concepts of the masculine family ‘breadwinner’ and the feminine family ‘caregiver’ survive even as the societal basis for these roles is eroded by global capitalism.  相似文献   

6.
Do farmers who participate in local food systems attach greater importance to civic engagement than farmers whose livelihood is not tied to the vitality of local markets? The literature on local food as a social movement continues to paint a picture of local food systems as contributing to, and benefiting from, rich networks of civil society groups. Yet to date, few studies have directly addressed the question of whether marketing local food is actually associated with higher levels of civic engagement among farmers. In this paper, I draw on local capitalism theory to identify two different mechanisms—depth of economic reliance on local markets, and breadth of social networks related to local food sales—that might spur farmers who market local food to feel more responsible for their communities. Then, using data from a large-scale survey of specialty crop growers, I explore whether a relationship exists between farmer involvement with local food markets and attitudes toward civic engagement. Results suggest that while farmers strongly committed to local food markets attach greater importance to civic engagement, participation in multiple categories or kinds of local food supply chains is not necessarily associated with stronger civic values.  相似文献   

7.
The main goal of this paper is to estimate the preferences of the Italian society towards equity in order to verify whether preferences (i) have changed across the years, and (ii) can be related to specific socio-demographic characteristics. Introducing equity concerns in the implementation of economic policies is a fundamental problem faced by both economists and policy makers. This paper uses a social welfare function à la Jorgenson and Slesnick to estimate societys aversion towards inequality by implement in a voting scheme for compiling individuals equity preferences in to a social choice by majority rule. The results show that preferences are highly polarized toward a low and a high concern for equity aversion and that this concern is significantly related with several sociodemographic characteristics. Among them, income plays an important role with richer people tending to favor less equity. Results also show that preferences towards equity have changed across the years.  相似文献   

8.
The paper explores the transformation of welfare capitalism through the idea that it centres on processes of ‘subordinating the social’. Variations on this theme are examined, involving different conceptions of the social and its changing relationship to the economic. The paper then explores how these variants of a dominant tendency co-exist, and uses Raymond Williams's distinction between dominant, residual and emergent tendencies to reflect on the contested and unfinished transformations of the social.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

The introduction of compulsory income management by the then Coalition Government in 2007 signalled the increasing policy influence of individualistic as opposed to structural explanations of social disadvantage. Using key policy and evaluation literature, this article critically examines the principal arguments for and against compulsory income management. Specific questions are raised about the top-down and coercive nature of compulsory income management, the lack of supporting empirical evidence, and its apparent discrimination against Australians who are Indigenous or reliant on income security payments, or both. Some conclusions are drawn about the potential for more effective policy solutions that would involve a genuine partnership with disadvantaged communities.  相似文献   

10.
Language is one of the primary media through which capitalism and the mobilisation of resistance against capitalism are perpetrated. However, although capitalism is becoming an increasingly global phenomenon, language continues to delineate nationstates and identities—no language is fully translatable. Drawing upon a large body of literature and research concerning minority-majority language relationships and language planning, this paper will, first, interrogate the relationship between bilingualism and proposed policies of inclusive education in the context of current struggles for linguistic minority 'rights' by sign language users. The 'minority rights' agenda is contrasted with disabled people's struggles for the legitimation of 'new' disability discourses within a framework of citizenship, as contextualised by issues of social exclusion. It is argued that language use, language development and their relationship to disability, cannot be adequately addressed within localised interpretations of 'special needs' policy. The paper concludes with the view that in the face of New Labour's rhetoric of 'modernisation', disabled people must address the hegemony implicit to language planning, by acknowledging the centrality of language rights and practices to social policy, political expression, citizenship and the mobilisation for social change.  相似文献   

11.
In the context of globalization and post‐modern discourses, the debate about the relative status of local and dominant languages poses serious policy problems for post‐colonial communities. Critics of minority language rights (MLR) generally point out that engineering a language shift on behalf of a vernacular language – motivated by the preservationist interests, collective rights and sentimental associations of an ethnic group – is futile, as the economic and social mobilities of individuals are bound to work against this enterprise. Proponents of MLR have gone to the other extreme of essentializing the linguistic identity of minority communities, generalizing their language attitudes, and treating local language rights as non‐negotiable. This article addresses this debate in the context of the attempts to promote Tamil by the military leadership in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The paper brings together data gathered in sociolinguistic studies for four years in the Jaffna society in order to understand the reception of the language policy in everyday life. The leadership recognizes that language policy is a symbolic statement for political purposes and tolerates certain inconsistencies in policy and practice. While the community assures itself of ethnic pride and linguistic autonomy with the stated policies, it negotiates divergent interests in the gaps between the policy/practice divide. Scholars should recognize the agency of subaltern communities to negotiate language politics in creative and critical ways that transcend the limited constructs formulated to either cynically sweep aside or unduly romanticize language rights.  相似文献   

12.
This article examines a grassroots movement for public education that has recently emerged to challenge corporate-style education reformers. These reformers became well-established in the early 21st century promoting the business strategies of capitalism such as school choice, competition, privatization, and closure. To understand how and why local communities are fighting for public education while embracing a much older, traditional notion of the common good, this article takes Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania as a case study, situating the struggle for public education in historical and political contexts. It also places the corporate-reform and grassroots movements in a social and economic framework, and it pays special attention to the urban youth who stand at the center of much of the policy debate on public education, considering the ways in which young people themselves express political agency through activism.  相似文献   

13.
Bryson和Mowbray曾在1981年写文章批判政府盲目使用“社区”一词,并谈到关系着社区的循证政策如何在2005年成为一句空洞的政治口号。两篇文章都刊登在澳大利亚的社会问题期刊上。本文通过定性分析的方法搜集数据,考察南澳大利亚州某地方政府对“社区”的主观和现实意义作何理解,以评估其与社会政策制定者所使用的“社区”一词的吻合度。笔者认为,在2009年,社会政策制定者所使用的“社区”与围绕此主题展开的大量研究或者当前个体与家庭的情况缺乏共鸣,从而导致针对社区的社会政策其初衰与效果不相匹配。  相似文献   

14.
Abstract

This paper seeks to contribute to social capital research and its applicability to social work practice and social policy. It provides an examination of the complexity of social capital and strategies used to build it in local communities. Drawing on data collected from a large quantitative study collected in a rural city in Australia, experiencing rapid population growth, it reports on levels of social, civic, and community participation related to a range of demographic variables. Results highlight the significance of gender, life stage, socioeconomic status, and the influence of neighbourhood connected to different types of participation. Findings presented in this paper draw attention to the unevenness of participation in social, civic, and community life linked to key demographics. The author concludes by arguing that community-building approaches have some merit, so long as critical differences accessing bonding and bridging social capital are acknowledged, and opportunities to promote participation are facilitated.  相似文献   

15.
Governments continue to face challenges in implementing effective strategies to increase social and economic participation of people with disabilities. In a recent OECD high-level policy forum on Sickness, Disability and Work, the main policy message was the need for a culture of inclusion; with a dual focus on short-term active policy interventions and long-term structural reform. This paper examines policies in liberal welfare states that encourage people receiving disability benefits to participate in the labor market. Examples from the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia of active labor market programs aimed at moving people with disabilities from workfare are analyzed in the context of international disability rights and neoliberal discourse. The paper explores the extent to which new approaches to activation policies are facilitating parity of participation and factors that impact the effectiveness of these policies.  相似文献   

16.
Hein  Jeremy 《Sociological Forum》1997,12(2):279-295
The expansion of the welfare state during the 20th century has altered the conditions shaping the formation of ethnic organizations. Drawing upon research in the divergent fields of social policy, immigrant communities, and social movements, this article argues that social welfare programs promote or suppress ethnic organizations depending on how they affect an ethnic community's institutional completeness. This welfare state channeling theory is contrasted with ethnic competition and resource mobilization explanations for the formation of ethnic organizations. An analysis of 800 Indochinese refugee associations finds that public assistance has no effect on the prevalence of these organizations, but that privatization of federal social service expenditures does, thus partially supporting the welfare state channeling theory.  相似文献   

17.
Benoit  Ellen 《Sociological Forum》2003,18(2):269-294
This article proposes a theoretical approach to illicit-drug policy that emphasizes politics and institutions, as an alternative to dominant perspectives emphasizing social control. After revealing conceptual links between drug-control policies and those of social provision, I describe a typology of drug policies based on the division of labor among the institutions responsible for implementing the legislated agenda. I then develop a theoretical argument that approaches drug policy as social policy, employing concepts of institutional reach and policy linkages. In the concluding section I use this approach to compare drug policies in the United States and Canada after 1980.  相似文献   

18.
The East Asian experiences of welfare-state building have universal implications for the sociology of the welfare state because they clearly indicate the relevance of international circumstances to welfare-state building. The convergence theory of the welfare state lays emphasis on the economic development, demographic structure, and age of the social security system. The path dependency theory regards a country's social structure and history as important. However, both these theories clearly state the importance of the domestic factors as well. On the contrary, the East Asian experiences show that the dates of the takeoff of the welfare state and the international context at that time were decisive for the subsequent development of the welfare state. The European welfare states are considered to be a by-product of "embedded liberalism." The Japanese welfare state, on the other hand, was established in the context of the worldwide stagflation of the 1970s; therefore, Japan experienced the formation and crisis of the welfare state at the same time and this is what characterized its present welfare system. The Korean welfare state emerged in the age of global capitalism and was consequently shaped by the co-occurrence of welfare and workfare. Given the above, it can be said that the international circumstances faced by each welfare state characterized the three worlds of welfare capitalism: Europe, Japan, and Korea.  相似文献   

19.
Current philosophy, policy, and practice involving care of persons with serious mental illnesses are reviewed, with a focus on the movement that is usually called deinstitutionalization. Past efforts and future trends are discussed within the context of public mental health systems at the state level. The paper argues for a greater leadership role for social work in providing mental health care in local communities because of the social work tradition of client empowerment, family involvement, and systems intervention.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract There are few empirical tests of the relationship between local resource production and community social systems. This paper reports the results of research on two communities in northern Idaho: one timber-dependent, the other mining-dependent. Data were collected for 13 indicators of resource production and 15 indicators of social change for periods up to 65 years. Regression analysis was used to test if community social change is associated with the production level of local resource systems. The final models support the hypothesis in both communities. The form, lag condition, and strength of the relationship is complex and may vary with the dependent indicator. The original causal image—the rural community with a social order that directly responds to changes in local resource production—is blurred. Suggestions are made for future research.  相似文献   

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