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1.
This article analyses agency collaboration to help vulnerable children and adolescents with complex social and psychological problems, examining the implementation of a formal collaboration model for these groups. This model, implemented in Västra Götaland, Sweden, involves five municipal agencies and five county council agencies in 49 different municipalities. Data were collected using two questionnaires sent to 355 lower managers and 424 professional representatives in the concerned organizations. The analysis demonstrates that there are differences in implementation results between the agencies, and that the differences are largely explainable by organizational self-interest and top management prioritization of collaboration model implementation. The main barriers to collaboration are factors modifiable by the agencies themselves, and perceived barriers decreased when the policy was working. The study suggests that managers of human service organizations must assume responsibility when implementing collaboratively, and that accountable professional and political leaders must rise above organizational interests to protect vulnerable citizens.  相似文献   

2.
This article examines the development of police-community consultation arrangements in one large county in southern England: arrangements made under Section 106 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984. It analyses the various responses of the main parties in the process: the police, the police authority, and the local committees themselves; and considers the extent to which the practice of consultation relates to wider claims for the enhancement of police accountability. The main conclusions are that, at least in the force area concerned, the predominant conflict was not, as might have been expected, between police representatives and the local community, but rather between the police authority and the local committees, for which they were formally responsible. In so far as such tensions can occur, the article argues for a more cautious approach to the question of the democratic accountability of the police to the extent that the police authority is to be entrusted with a central role in the reform of the current system of police accountability.  相似文献   

3.
In the citizen–candidate approach each citizen chooses whether or not to run as candidate. In a single-peaked preference domain, we find that the strategic entry decision of the candidates eliminates one of the most undesirable properties of Plurality rule, namely to elect a poor candidate in three-candidate elections since as we show, the Condorcet winner among the self-declared candidates is always elected. We find that the equilibria with three candidates are basically 2-fold, either there are two right-wing candidates and a left-wing candidate who wins the elections (or its symmetric), or there is a right-wing candidate, a left-wing candidate, and a candidate located in between the two others who becomes winner. We also show that when four or more candidates enter the contest, Plurality rule can elect the Condorcet-loser among the self-declared candidates.   相似文献   

4.
The study concerns 124 alcoholics compulsorily committed to a locked ward at Runnagården, a coercive treatment setting in mid-Sweden. Three groups are compared: 57 patients were admitted before and 29 were admitted after the implementation of an introductory Alcoholics Anonymous-oriented program on the ward. Another 38 patients were admitted after the changes in legislation, which resulted in a longer duration of compulsory care. The groups were compared as to the number of days spent on the locked unit and the number of times they absconded. With the implementation of the program, a significant reduction was observed in the time needed on the locked ward, while the number of abscondence incidents showed a weaker tendency to decrease. After the legislative changes were made, the same factors increased. Multivariate regression was used to check confounding background factors. In conclusion, the introduction of an Alcoholics Anonymous-oriented program in a coercive treatment setting reduced the time spent on a locked ward without increasing the number of times patients absconded. Increase in length of coercion increased both the time spent at the locked ward and the number of times absconded.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

As no empirical research in Taiwan has investigated elected representatives’ interventions in protective social work, this research explores protective social workers’ experiences of elected representatives’ involvement in protective cases. Quantitative and qualitative research was conducted with 313 Taiwanese protective social workers. Data were collected with an anonymous open-ended questionnaire from both public and private sectors. Findings revealed that elected representatives become comprehensively involved in some protective cases, stressing protective social workers to the point of burnout and resignation. However, no effective methods to limit or stop political interruption exist. Therefore, this study proposes that central and local governments should pay more attention to this phenomenon by restricting interference and arranging training and seminars for both protective social workers and elected representatives. In the near future, quantitative or qualitative studies should be conducted using a larger population and face-to-face interviews to acquire an in-depth understanding of the representation of the perspectives of protective social workers.  相似文献   

6.
7.
通过对广西县域金融的现状研究发现,广西县域金融发展悖论关系主要有县域经济快速发展与县域金融规模收缩相悖,县域企业弱质与金融机构风险控制强化相悖,以及县域资金供给不足与大量信贷资金外流相悖等三个方面。解决这些问题应从发挥政策性金融支持功能,深化农村金融改革,鼓励民营银行进军县域金融市场以及规范民间金融和完善金融生态等方面考虑。  相似文献   

8.
邵长鹏 《唐都学刊》2005,21(4):93-96
宪政建设不仅是和谐社会的应有之义,而且是和谐社会建设的政治保障。稳定的宪政秩序能使社会更加和谐、民主。党的领导要在宪政的轨道内运行;树立人民代表机关的权威,加深人民代表的民意基础及代表性;正确对待“分权”;保持宪法的相对稳定性,培养宪法信仰,树立宪政文化。  相似文献   

9.
吴炜 《创新》2008,2(6):8-11
以科学发展观指导县域经济社会发展,具有重要的战略意义。横县要发展成为广西强县,就必须从践行科学发展的角度出发,培育特色产业,积极融入广西北部湾经济区开放开发建设,大力拓展横县对外开放发展空间,促进社会全面进步和人的全面发展。  相似文献   

10.
This study analyzes the resources and strategies of public interest groups and industry representatives involved in federal forest policy in the state of Oregon during the early 1990s. While many studies have examined the role of interest groups in the policy process, few have compared empirically the resources available and strategies pursued by industry representatives and public interest groups in a particular policy domain. Utilizing survey data from 133 business representatives and 326 public interest groups involved in federal forest policy, the study argues that public interest group influence derives primarily from the ability to mobilize human resources; the financial resources of these groups tend to be modest. Industry and industry-supported groups, in contrast, possess considerable financial power while enjoying less support from the public. Consequently, industry interests tend to focus their efforts on more traditional forms of influence such as the persistent lobbying of natural resource agencies and elected officials. Public interest groups, in contrast, tend to devote considerable efforts to building public support in urban core areas to build the capacity to pressure governmental decision-makers.  相似文献   

11.
In different cultures, the norms that enable women and men to conduct themselves in a particular way and to play particular roles in the family and society (gender roles) can differ quite widely. When it comes to gender roles that are permitted in a given culture, ideas about them that are formed by representatives of other cultures, countries, and ethnoses are called gender stereotypes. In order to indicate that what is referred to is how gender roles are perceived by representatives of the same culture (which is to say, about themselves), the term that is used is gender autostereotypes.  相似文献   

12.
县域经济是国民经济的基础,县域经济结构的协调也是国民经济总体结构合理的基础.改革开放以来,黑龙江省县域经济有了长足的发展,但也应该看到,随着社会主义市场经济的不断深入发展和经济一体化趋势的日益加强,就总体讲,调整黑龙江县域经济结构的困难要更大些,特别是受传统的经济体制的惯性影响,一些长期累积而形成的局限性和深层矛盾日益显现,对县域经济发展和结构调整的影响十分不利.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

This secondary data analysis examined the impacts of human capital, child care, fringe benefits, child support, ethnicity, county economy, and county minority-population size on participation in Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) by parents living at or below the federal poverty threshold. Longitudinal records of 1,789 such parents were extracted from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (1996–2008). Multilevel mixed-effects linear regression showed that having personal/family problems, being African American, and residing in a county with widespread unemployment were associated positively with TANF receipt. TANF receipt was associated negatively with employment offering a retirement plan, full-time employment, part-time employment, and residence in a county with a large Hispanic population. Future research might explore the relationship between subpopulations’ sizes and states’ TANF policies.  相似文献   

14.
程刚 《阅江学刊》2014,(6):94-99
东晋襄阳地区军府扼长江中上游北鄙门户,政治地位十分突出,其沿革与各政治集团势力的消长关系密切。咸和七年,陶侃以桓宣镇襄阳,以其淮南部曲置侨义成郡。襄阳地区军府的沿革,与义成郡统辖权的归属紧密相关。义成郡统辖权在不同名号的襄阳地区军府和其他军府间频繁地转换,关键在于义成郡军事化的"乡族集团"是襄阳地区军府所仰仗的重要力量,而其他军府(主要是荆州都督府)欲削弱或省废襄阳军府时,则往往先将义成郡的统辖权收归己有。义成郡统辖权的转换,见证了襄阳地区军府的沿革和各政治集团斗争的经过。  相似文献   

15.
Several studies published during the past five years have attempted to assess the propensities of different voting procedures to elect the simple majority candidate when one exists in a multicandidate election. The present paper provides a summary of what we believe to be the most salient results of this research. The data are first discussed within the context of the assumptions used in our simulations. We then extend our interpretations to account for potential political realities that were not incorporated in the simulations.  相似文献   

16.
崔琰 《唐都学刊》2014,(3):107-110
在实地勘察、收集资料的基础上,从定性和定量两个方面对陕西宜君县旅游资源进行了较为全面的评价.宜君县的生态环境、自然风光、历史、民俗、文化艺术等旅游资源具有特色,在旅游资源评价的基础上,梳理出宜君旅游发展的功能分区和形象定位,并提出相关旅游形象推广的建议,力求促进宜君旅游业发展.  相似文献   

17.
Objective. This study examines the effect that county government structure has on county spending in an environment of rapid population growth. In particular, it looks at the consequence of changing from a traditional commission noncharter form to an appointed administrator/elected executive commission type with a home rule charter. Methods. This study uses a pooled time‐series design to analyze the spending behavior of seven rapid‐growth counties in Florida that adopted a modernized structure between 1980 and 1990. Results. The findings indicate that changing the form of county government leads to a statistically significant increase in total spending as well as for spending for traditional and regional services. Conclusions. In addition to the theoretical implications for studying government structural impacts, there are practical implications for county officials in rapidly growing areas who view the adoption of modernized structures as a means to facilitate the expansion of current services and/or the addition of new services.  相似文献   

18.
杜庆余 《唐都学刊》2009,25(3):21-25
私有土地和依附人口是汉代田庄形成、存在和发展的物质基础。田庄主通过国家的授田、赐田、继承、买卖或强取豪夺获得了大量土地,并依靠其控制的宗族、奴婢、宾客、徒附等依附人口建立起了自己的田庄。土地和人口的流动性使得以土地和人口为基础的田庄不能在某一个家族中长久地延续下去。  相似文献   

19.
We study a class of representation mechanisms, based on reports made by a random subset of agents, called representatives, in a collective choice problem with quasi-linear utilities. We do not assume the existence of a common prior probability describing the distribution of preference types. In addition, there is no benevolent planner. Decisions will be carried out by an individual who cannot be assumed impartial, a self-interested executive. These assumptions impose new constraints on Mechanism Design. A robust mechanism is defined as maximizing expected welfare under a vague prior probability distribution, and over a set of mechanisms which is at the same time immune from opportunistic manipulations by the executive, and compatible with truthful revelation of preferences by representatives. Robust mechanisms are characterized and their existence is shown. Sampling Groves mechanisms are shown to be robust.   相似文献   

20.
许州为中原雄镇,唐五代置节度使,建号忠武军,守国抑暴,收功弭乱,名噪一时,是中原防御型藩镇的典型代表。黄巢起义失败后,忠武军军事地位和影响衰微,而饱受战乱天灾的许州,社会经济有所恢复和发展,但其恢复和发展的程度仍然有限,稻作生产也严重萎缩。  相似文献   

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