四川盆地农村人口婚姻迁移空间演变分析及对策探讨

婚姻迁移是我国农村人口迁移的重要方面,在不同的经济社会背景下,农村人口的婚姻迁移具有不同的空间特征,并随着时代的发展而演变。根据实地调研资料分析四川盆地农村人口六十余年来婚姻迁移的空间演变情况,发现婚迁距离总体呈逐年增大的趋势,受教育程度和婚前从业状况对其婚迁距离有较明显的影响,经济动因在婚迁地域选择中的作用越来越突出。农村人口婚迁空间演变带来的影响中积极性与消极性并存,从宣传引导、政策调整、经济扶持、教育培训等方面提出相应对策措施。     

中国各民族间族际婚姻的现状分析

一切择偶制度都倾向于“同类联姻”,1 如阶级地位大致相当、宗教与文化背景相似,以保证婚姻的稳定和群体内部的统一性。民族内婚规则即是同类婚姻的一个重要体现,地域、语言、宗教等因素构筑了一个民族的内婚壁垒。如果两个民族集团之间发生一定规模和相当比例的族际婚,一般需要这样几个条件:文化同化程度较高,民族间没有语言障碍,宗教上互不冲突或至少能彼此容忍;成员相互之间有很多的社会交往机会;彼此间没有整体性的偏见与歧视;所在群体与家庭对于族际通婚不持反对态度甚至持比较积极的态度。当两个民族集团间的通婚率达到1 0 %以上,他们…     

西北少数民族地区汉族村落财婚的调查与分析——以张家川恭门镇崖低村为例

财婚是婚姻的一种形式,其核心是聘礼作为缔结婚姻的必要条件。基于西北少数民族地区村落的人类学调查,文章阐述了当前西北农村财婚的现状、存在原因、影响以及与和谐社会构建的关系。     

浙江省迁入女性人口婚姻生育调查

改革开放以来,随着农村商品经济的发展,浙江省人口迁移流动十分活跃。在迁移流动行列中出现了一个引人注目的迁移人群——外省婚迁女性,数量很大。她们给浙江省人口的婚姻、生育等方面带来了很大影响。 一、迁入浙江女性人群的现状与特点 外省籍女性迁入浙江的婚姻迁移,是指外省女性以婚嫁方式、以在浙江农村择偶落户为目的而进行的迁移。改革开放以前,这     

论城市两地户口婚姻的增长、特征及其社会政策寓意──以上海市为例

９０年代我国出现了城市两地户口婚姻的迅速增长即城乡通婚潮。两地户口婚姻以城市男性娶农村女性为主要结合形式，城市男性的年龄分布相当离散，文化程度上表现为城市较低阶层与流入人口的中高层的般配结合；两地户口婚姻在城市的常住地主要是城郊结合部，呈现“脊环”分布；外地一方的来源地分布表现出静态的距离摩擦和动态的距离吸引。通婚潮是８０年代民工潮的逻辑延伸，标志着城市对农村由经济性开放走向社会性开放；两地户口婚姻的构成特征体现了城乡通婚的边缘性和城市户口的实用价值；这类婚姻正在制造新的婚姻困难人群，并且对城市人口的总量控制构成了新挑战。     

农村妇女婚迁涉及的法律问题

本文所谓“农村妇女婚迁”,是指农村妇女因婚姻关系迁移外省外地落户而形成的人口流动。新中国成立后,为维护社会秩序,稳定和管理农村、市郊、城市之间的人口,实行了一整套控制人口流动的户籍管理制度。但农村人口之间因通婚而迁移,政策还是允许的。因此,婚迁现象历来有之。如灾区农村妇女为躲避自然灾害离乡婚配等。近几年,外省农村妇女来浙婚配的人数越来越多,据不完全调查统计,仅1985年以来,     

中国跨城乡通婚的模式与变动趋势研究：1978—2018

从跨城乡通婚的角度研究城乡社会融合具有重要意义。现有关于跨城乡通婚的研究大多关注通婚率的变化,很少有研究分析跨城乡通婚的形成机制及其变迁。基于地位交换论、社会排斥论和双向融合论提出解释中国跨城乡通婚的三种理论模式和标志城乡融合不断发展的三个通婚阶段。通过对2012—2018年四期中国劳动力动态调查(CLDS)数据的深入分析,发现中国跨城乡通婚的比例较低,但随时间呈明显的上升趋势。在1978—1991年间,跨城乡通婚中的地位交换现象非常明显,农村一方的教育程度对跨城乡通婚有显著的正向影响,而城市一方的教育程度对跨城乡通婚有显著的负向影响,且通婚中表现出非常明显的农村一方教育低就和城市一方教育高攀的现象。随着时间的推移,地位交换论对跨城乡通婚的解释力逐渐削弱,社会排斥论的解释力不断增强,2005年以后,城市一方的教育程度对跨城乡通婚的负向影响已趋于消失,农村一方在通婚中教育低就的现象也基本消除,我国跨城乡通婚的模式正在从地位交换阶段向社会排斥阶段过渡。跨城乡通婚模式的变化标志着我国城乡融合取得了阶段性成果,但当前跨城乡通婚的难度依然较大,且农村社会下层依然被排斥于通婚之外,进一步消除城乡分...     

中国流动人口通婚圈地域结构分析

本文使用2011—2013年中国流动人口动态监测数据,利用空间分析方法对流动人口地理通婚圈的地域模式与圈层结构进行分析发现:不同区域之间的通婚地域模式具有显著的差异,东部地区的跨省通婚明显高于东北地区和西部地区,中部地区处于最低水平.地理通婚圈的空间圈层结构不但呈现出"空间等级分层"的物理结构,而且不同圈层本身的结构形态也存在显著的差异.地理通婚圈结构自内向外,出现了通婚圆→通婚弧→通婚点的梯度演化.此外,地理通婚圈分异还具有一定的方向偏好.     

改革开放以来中国族际通婚变动的十大趋势

族际通婚对于构建民族互嵌格局、铸牢中华民族共同体意识有重要意义。通过深入挖掘1982年以来历次全国人口普查和1%人口抽样调查数据资料,回顾和总结了改革开放40多年来中国族际通婚变动的十大趋势：一是族际通婚的普遍化,族际通婚的人口规模和比例均明显提升;二是族际通婚比例在各民族间的相对差异化;三是族际通婚圈进一步扩大,各族际通婚子圈相互交融;四是东北和西南地区的族际通婚程度相对较深;五是城镇化对族际通婚有积极影响;六是人口流动对族际通婚有促进作用;七是族际通婚人口性别比呈现梯级化差异;八是族际通婚人口中女性家庭地位不断提高;九是受教育程度与族际通婚比例呈正相关关系;十是族际通婚比例在职业类型上表现出分层化。     

中国流动人口通婚圈研究——基于流动人口动态监测数据的实证分析

改革开放以来,随着人口迁移流动的发展,人们的社会交际圈子迅速扩大,大规模的人口迁移流动对社会以及流动人口自身都产生了多方面的影响,其中对其婚恋行为的影响是一个值得研究的重要领域,但目前学界和政府对此关心仍然不够。文章使用2013年国家卫计委流动人口动态监测数据,运用二元Logistic回归分析方法对流动人口通婚圈研究发现：除流动人口的年龄、性别、户口和受教育程度等基本特征外,迁移流动行为也与通婚圈扩展具有显著的相关性。在流入地的居留时间、迁移流动地域范围和相对结婚时间都与跨省通婚有关,地理通婚圈扩展是社会良性发展的标志,但也不能忽视通婚圈扩展所带来的一些新问题和挑战。     

中国农村社区招赘婚姻研究——松滋县婚姻模式深访和个访分析

本文利用湖北省松滋县婚姻模式深访和个访的调查数据与资料 ,较系统地研究了中国农村汉族地区招赘婚姻的历史、现状与未来 ,以定性方法分析了当地招赘婚姻的成因、内容、特点和对家庭关系和家庭养老的影响 ,探讨了它的社会意义     

70年代以来美国国内人口迁移态势与成因分析

美国人口密度相对较小 ,自然增长缓慢 ,机械变动大 ,外来人口补充了其劳动力资源。 90年代以来 ,美国国内的人口迁移呈下降趋势 ,迁移规律表现为 :1 向西部、向南部向阳光地带流动 ;2 向大都市区流动 ;3 由城市向市郊转移 ,向乡间转移。其迁移规律表现为 :短距离迁移者多 ,租房户迁移多 ,2 0 - 30岁的年轻人迁移者多。形成这一态势的原因有三 :市场结构性的变化、经济利益的驱动和文化生态因素     

进城还是回村？——跨省婚迁者的空间选择

在经济社会转型、人口频繁流动的条件下,婚迁由乡到城的单向迁移转变成为城乡互动的双向流动。婚迁者留在城市还是回到乡村,要取决于多种条件。本研究通过测度跨省婚迁的性别比发现,自1990年来的20年间我国省际婚迁性别比下降近一半。全国省际婚迁性别比呈现城市-城镇-乡村两端大中间小的“微笑曲线”。在婚迁的空间选择上,男性以城市为主,女性则以乡村为主。进一步分析影响婚姻迁移的因素发现,经济变量中人均GDP对总婚迁和城市婚迁呈正向影响,城镇和乡村呈负向影响;居民收入和消费状况对婚姻迁移产生正向影响,但消费的城乡差别则对其产生负向影响;人口的城乡流动与迁移以及社会变量中各因素对跨省婚迁产生正向影响,而文化变量中的各因素则形成负向影响。     

On the Decline of Marriage in Rural Ireland 1851–1911: The Role of Ecological Constraints and/or Developing Philopatry

The proportion of people who never married and the age at first marriage increased in rural Ireland after the famine (1845–1847). In 1851, 11% of the population were never married at 45–54 years and this percentage increased steadily over time to 34% for men and 25% for women in 1936. The period from 1851 to 1911 was marked by economic progress, and despite some bad years, production, incomes and standards of living increased steadily. Ownership of land, passing from landlord to tennant, thus fixed the population to specific geographic locations and made the rural population increasingly philopatric. The Ecological Constraints Hypotheses (E.C.H.). has been used to explain the low marriage rate. It asserts that delayed dispersal and reproduction are caused by constraints such as a lack of access to resources such as land or mates. However in rural Ireland, wealthy heads of households were more likely to be celibate than occupiers of small holdings. The low nuptiality that developed after the famine appeared first in the more prosperous parts of Ireland and was accompanied by a substantial rise in living standards. The increasingly secure tie after the famine between the rural population and its geographic location reflected a new ecological situation which facilitated a change in reproductive strategy that was characterised by delayed marriage and an increase in celibacy. This strategy is adaptive in a stable ecology without major threats to survival. The data are consistent with evidence from animals and human populations showing associations in a stable ecology between long life expectancy, low population turnover and low fecundity, yet a rate of reproduction that is sufficient to maintain the population in its environment.     

Urban-rural and educational differentials in marital status in China

Since 1950, laws aimed at delaying marriage have been 1 of the major means of slowing population growth in China, where marriage is nearly universal. Age at marriage has risen in recent decades, but not to the same extent in all localities. This article uses cross-tabulated data from China's 1982 census to assess the effects of urban-rural residence and educational level on the ages at which men and women have been marrying. The data also reveal the effects of residence and education on widowhood, divorce, and current marital status. As expected, exposure to development, indicated by urban residence and higher education, is associated with later marriage, but it also increases the likelihood of ever marrying, especially for men. Women's tendency to seek social mobility by marrying men from economically more developed areas results in bachelorhood for a substantial percentage of rural men, especially those who are illiterate.     

婚姻市场、农业剩余与光棍分布--一个理解农村光棍问题的中观机制

在婚姻市场渗透下,中西部农村家庭继替具有市场参与性特征：婚姻市场竞争过程形塑出以竞争力为指标的婚姻梯队序列,在优势梯队实现的家庭继替具有向上社会流动的特征,梯队末端则呈现为底层沦陷;农村男性青年在婚姻梯队序列所处的位置取决于其家庭的资源积聚方式、能力和分配方式。调查发现末端梯队集中分布于农业剩余稀薄村庄,其内在机理是农业剩余稀薄通过形塑家庭劳动力的不合理配置与以年轻人为主体的资源积聚方式和向家庭日常生活基本需要进行倾斜的资源分配方式削弱了男性青年的婚姻市场竞争力,其现象表征是扎堆分布的光棍。     

婚姻挤压下农村流动人口的生育性别偏好——基于相对剥夺感视角的分析

中国的出生性别比偏高持续了三十年,婚姻挤压问题日益凸现,大规模的城乡人口流动则加剧了婚姻挤压问题及其社会影响的严重性与复杂性。受制度与非制度因素影响,农村流动人口在城市处于社会底层,易遭遇成婚困难、诱发相对剥夺感,可能对生育偏好产生重要影响。本文基于相对剥夺感视角,对2009年福建省X市外来农村流动人口调查数据的分析发现,婚姻挤压对农村流动人口的生育性别偏好的观念与行为均无显著影响,但相对剥夺感对生育性别偏好行为有显著影响。本研究有助于理解婚姻挤压与相对剥夺感对农村流动人口生育性别偏好演化的特殊作用,对国家调整生育政策、提高流动人口计生服务与管理、促进性别平等有一定借鉴意义。     

Marital migration of the rural population in Beijing suburbs]

The recent increase in marital migration in China among the rural population of the Beijing suburbs is examined, with a focus on the impact of uneven economic developments in villages and of different rates of population growth and distribution, fertility, and sex ratios. Findings are based on a survey of 1981 marriage patterns in a number of Beijing suburban communes. It is found that slightly over 50 percent of the women married within their communes, less than 20 percent married men from other suburban communes, and the remainder married outside the communes. The author observes that more women than men have migrated into the Beijing area and that marriage has been a major determinant of this movement.     

Trends in age at marriage in postwar Ireland

Age at marriage in the Republic of Ireland has declined substantially from the very high level that prevailed in 1946. Between 1946 and 1969 the median age of grooms fell from 32 to 26 and of brides from 27 to 24. To some extent this is a reflection of the declining importance of the rural population but to a much greater extent it is due to the falling age at marriage among all sections of the population. Simultaneous with the decline in age at marriage, the frequency distributions of brides' and grooms' ages have become both more skewed and more peaked. Thus earlier marriage has also meant greater uniformity in age at marriage, but the phenomenon of first marriage at a fairly advanced age persists. There has been a marked trend towards greater equality between husbands' and wives' ages over the postwar period: the proportion of marriages in which there was less than five years' gap between the ages of the bride and groom rose from 49 percent in 1946 to 71 percent in 1969. The percentage of marriages in which the groom was ten or more years older than the bride has fallen from 22 to seven percent. The evidence suggests that the “marriage market” became less favourable to males (especially older males) over the period and that part of the narrowing in the gap in relative age of brides and grooms has been due to the greater willingness of younger males to marry. It also seems that changes in the age structure of the unmarried population has had an impact on the age distribution of grooms.