制度批判、技术批判、消费批判与生态政治哲学——论西方生态学马克思主义的核心论题

本文认为,制度批判、技术批判、消费批判和生态政治哲学是西方生态学马克思主义的核心论题.生态学马克思主义通过批判资本主义制度的反生态性质,揭示了资本主义条件下技术非理性运用和异化消费的必然性.西方生态学马克思主义强调要解决当代的生态危机,就应该实现制度和生态道德价值观的双重变革.本文最后分析了生态学马克思主义与西方其他生态哲学思潮的区别.     

从公共管理的视角分析社会保障私有化趋势

私有化已成为社会保障制度改革的趋势.目前,我国正处于社会保障制度的建立和完善时期,特别是养老保险基金管理的问题一直引起世人关注.因此,研究当前国际范围内的社会保障私有化改革有助于我们认清当前各家提出的观点和意见,建立适合我国实际情况的社会保障制度.本文从公共管理的角度分析了社会保障私有化改革的原因和理论基础,认为私有化改革是社会保障制度天然具有的公共性与制度运行所要求的效率性矛盾得以妥协的结果.     

论政治因素对公司职工民主管理制度的影响

职工民主管理制度对保护职工利益、缓解劳资关系有重要意义,这一制度是民主思想在经济领域的表现,在西方资本主义国家中的思想根源是社会民主主义.不同国家的职工民主管理制度的差别来源于工人在国家政治力量对比中的不同.我国职工民主管理制度在计划经济与市场经济中有很大差别,这一差别是由经济改革与政治改革不同步而产生,要提高职工在公司中的管理参与地位,需要得到我国民主政治领域改革的支持.     

改革中国社会保障体制的几点思考

随着我国整个改革进程的不断加快,几十年以来旧的社会保障体制的弊病日益明显地暴露出来。在完善改革,深化改革的进程中,改革旧的社会保障体制,建立新型的社会保障体制,已经成为同整个改革过程相配套的重要内容。改革需要理论,理论是改革的先导。在改革进程中,我们应该充分发挥理论的超前指导作用,这对于建立我国新型社会保障体制也不例外。本文试从分析西方社会保障制度建立、发展过程中理论的作用和特点入手,对建立中国的社会保障体制谈几点看法。     

社会公正视野下的农民工社会保障

社会公正是社会保障的首要价值追求.随着改革开放的深入和社会经济、政治、文化的全面发展,我国在城市建立起了多层次的社会保障制度,但农民工却仍被排斥在这一制度之外.造成农民工社会保障缺失的原因主要有城乡二元户籍制度的阻隔、社会保障"地方分权"模式的分割体制和社会保险关系难以转移和续接等技术难题.建设社会主义和谐社会,必须逐步实现农民工市民化,进一步改革户籍管理制度,分类分层建立农民工的社会保障体系,使农民工充分享受社会发展的成果.     

当今世界政治变化的几个问题

<正> 二次世界大战以后,世界政治发生了重大的变化。这一变化表现在以下三个方面:1.在广大的分略在亚洲、非洲、拉丁美—的国家中出现了澎湃的民族解放运动潮流,在1990年纳米比亚的独立,这一民族解放运动算基本完成。2.西方资本主义国家建立了相对稳定的民主政体,这一阵营也包括了发起二次大战的法西斯罪魁德国和日本。与此同时,在西方发达国家中也逐步建立了社会福利制度。这种制度的建立稳定住了西方社会内部的紧张程度,并为西方社会经济和技术的持续发展提供了有利的政治条件。3.社会主义在全世界得到极大的发展。在这些国家中,社会分配不公平的问题得到了较好的解决。进入80年代以后,尤其是在最近几年中,新的政治发展的格局正在产生。社会主义国家从80年代初开始了改革运动,以解决经济增长的问题和政治上的民主化问题。在西方资本主义国家则正在出现非国有化的发展趋势,以解决弊病丛生的福利制度。同时由于环境的污染等等,在西方国家的政治发展也出现了环境政治和参与民主制。第三世界国家则进入了一个新的政治和经济的调整期,第三世界的政治更加动荡不定。从1989年开始,这些政治发展中的新的变数竞然产生了戏剧性的变化,这一变化加快了世界政治变化的速度,并给世界的末来发展以极大的影响。本文不可能对全球政治发展做全面的阐述,只想就世界政治调整过程中的民主化问题第三世界的政治动荡和和种族民族主义问题做些简述。     

透视“瑞典病”

西方世界在二战以后纷纷建立起来的高福利作为一种社会保障制度,已成为当今发展中国家现代化进程中积极追求的目标。继英国建立高福利保障制度之后,北欧的一些国家开始效仿,在较短时间内建成了标榜于世的“福利国家”,他们号称在资本主义道路之外闪烁出了一颗耀眼的明珠。在他们的国家,建立起了全国医疗保险制度,对老     

剥削、正义与共产主义——杰拉斯对马克思正义观的阐释

正义问题是当代政治哲学的核心问题.70年代以来,西方马克思主义者围绕马克思是否谴责资本主义非正义展开了争论.英国新左派、分析马克思主义的主要代表诺曼.杰拉斯是这场争论的一个主要论者.他凭借分析主义的研究方法对马克思主义的正义观和道德观进行了深入系统的研究,用文本证明马克思确实依据超历史的正义原则谴责资本主义非正义,由此构筑起一套马克思主义正义观体系,成为西方马克思主义政治哲学的主要理论代表之一.杰拉斯对马克思正义思想的阐释,对于我们了解和学习分析马克思主义理论家的文本解读方法和思路,反思西方新自由主义政治哲学的局限性,挖掘马克思与正义问题的争论对于我们构建公平正义的社会主义和谐社会具有理论借鉴意义和价值.     

养老保险制度的国际比较与经验借鉴

社会保障的理论与实践在西方发达国家已有一百多年的历史。世界上最早实施社会保障制度的德国,1889年就对养老保险进行了首次立法,随后的二三十年间,西方各主要发达国家相继建立了社会保障制度。“二战”以后,社会保障制度经历了一个高速发展的时期,许多国家甚至宣     

当代社会民主党及其“第三条道路”

欧洲社会民主党是当代世界政治格局中的一支重要力量。为了克服自身发展进程中出现的矛盾和难题 ,以应对 2 1世纪的挑战 ,社民党正面临着一系列深刻的变革和调整。作为这种变革和调整理论基础的“第三条道路” ,是当代资本主义经过国家干预的凯恩斯主义和注重市场调节的“新自由主义”两个发展阶段后 ,社会民主党寻求新的经济和社会平衡点的探索。本文认为 ,“第三条道路”的出现代表了西方国家在现有制度内进行探索和改革的一种方向 ,成为东西方“冷战”时代紧张消解后的一种新的政治选择 ,并使之成为“全球化战略”的基本纲领     

Social Security in Hungary: A Balance Sheet after Twelve Years

The social and political transformation in Hungary contributed to the development of a democratic political system and to the establishment of the rule of law and a market economy. The process was accompanied by a series of economic and social problems. The paper first reviews the social policy orientation of the three free consecutive governments elected since the transition. None of them has had a clear political profile: they have constituted mixed and unclear welfare regimes. None of them has sketched a clear welfare policy except perhaps the current government. In its case central redistribution is consistently biased in favour of the middle and upper strata at the expense of the poor. Instead of a consensual plan defining priorities, decisions and reforms in the last ten years have been motivated by political interests, at hoc ideas, and authoritarian rulings. The paper next shows what reform meant in the case of the different instruments and various fields of social policy, namely unemployment, health, pensions, family benefits and social assistance. It concludes that while both the inherited and the newly created systems had contributed to alleviate the shocks of the transition, yet there never was enough political will to give sufficient or adequate help to those needing it. As a consequence of the "reforms" public expenditures have been significantly reduced. The welfare gap between East and West has thereby grown. The consequence is that the country has become gravely divided, and that poverty is greater and deeper than it might have been under a different set of policies.     

新政的历史地位和意义

新政的历史地位和作用需要重新评价。新政在美国历史上标志着资产阶级首次对生产方式进行主动调整。新政首次进行了体制创新和建立了混合经济体制。大萧条、新政迫使自由放任主义破产并确立了国家干预主义。新政既防止了美国的法西斯化又防止了美国的革命,确保了美国社会的长期稳定。新政带来的制度绩效消除了美国制度的合法性危机。柯立芝繁荣、胡佛反危机措施与新政之间存着复杂的关系。新政建立了现代资产阶级政体和管理体制,新政中实施的以工代赈和大规模基础设施建设实践了凯恩斯的需求管理主张。新政以其建立的社会保障体系给美国社会配备了安全阀。新政亦首次进行了环保建设和人力资源保护。     

Motivation, Purpose and Processes in Pension Reform

The worldwide nature of the pension reform debate and the wind of change which seems to prevail justify the search for clear answers to three questions: (1) Why change the legislative and institutional framework of social security? (2) What do governments and society at large hope to achieve through change? and (3) If change is desirable, how can it be achieved without disrupting the country's social and financial order? The motivations which incite reformers fall into a few neat categories. A simple typology, as suggested in this article, should help avoid confusion in the public interpretation of recent policies and trends. A regrettable source of untidiness in the pension reform debate is also the use of ambiguous terminology. This is not merely a semantic concern. It has to do with the political meaning that the term conveys, as it may reflect an ideological stance and thus become a divisive issue. Another advantage of putting pension reform into a clearer conceptual framework is that it introduces and explains five specific goals which are common to all contemporary reformers. They are (1) social acceptability, (2) financial sustainability, (3) political feasibility, (4) coherence with economic and labour market realities, and (5) client-friendly management and administration. Ideally the perfect reform should aim at all five goals. In the real world, however, reformers have to settle for less because political feasibility – one of the five – is likely to limit their ambitions of fully meeting the other four.     

Institutional Developments in the Russian System of Social Security: Organizational and Interorganizational Aspects

In the course of the present transition in Russian society, a new system of social security has been developed. The previous Soviet system has been replaced by a system of four more or less independent social funds, covering the main branches of social security. These funds are supposed to be run according to insurance principles and to be financed by contributions, mainly from employers. Given the difficult economic and social situation of the country, there have been increasing demands for effectiveness in the management of the different funds and also in the management of the whole social security system. The results of this study show that the social funds have developed different organizational structures with different degrees of centralization and decentralization. Only one of the funds seems to be relatively well-functioning and effective, while the others have experienced more or less serious problems in fulfilling their main tasks and functions. The most serious problems, however, seem to stem from the structure of the social security system as a whole, which is perceived as fragmented and badly coordinated. In order to improve the coordination of the system, there have been proposals to merge two or more funds into a unified social security organization. This strategy is open to question, however, since it would increase the bureaucracy of the system. There are other ways in which the structure of the social security system might be advanced. Such developments should be based on an analysis of the system from the perspective of the individual client or patient.     

Reforming social security in economies in transition: Problems and policies in the former Soviet Republic of Moldova

In the Republic of Moldova, as in other former Soviet republics, a great deal of pressure has been put on the social security system by the removal of general consumer subsidies and their replacement with targeted compensation payments (assistance). The growth of assistance needs has made it difficult to reform earnings-related pension provision along "insurance" lines. There have also been adverse developments in the labour market. Large-scale open unemployment has not emerged, but insurance contributions are not being paid. Some of the measures which have been adopted to deal with the resulting financial crisis are counterproductive for the development of a social security system compatible with a market economy.     

Unravelling the Politics of Activation Reforms: Exploring the Unusual Israeli Trajectory

Contemporary active labour market (ALM) reforms are pivotal in the reorganization of the welfare state as they challenge and threaten some of the fundamental achievements of labour in capitalist societies: social programmes and entitlements that compensate for unemployment, and governance arrangements in which the social partners share authority and responsibility with the state. Consequently, ALM reforms may give raise to social unrest and political struggle that involves the state (the main proponent of ALM reforms), trade unions and political parties. These conflicts are important in the politicization of reforms, i.e. raising public awareness of and engagement with controversies of welfare state change. In this article, we use a non‐European perspective to ask more generally how distinct historical institutions create separate ‘politicization trajectories’ of ALM reforms, which in turn produce different policy designs and outcomes. Centring on the case of Israel, in which historically ‘abnormal’ class politics fostered indifference to the reform in both trade unions and political parties, we maintain that the preliminary de‐politicization made it possible for bureaucrats to control the reform, leading to an intra‐state conflict between competing agencies over its design and implementation. The usurpation of the reform by the Ministry of Finance made it conspicuously unbalanced, provoking many grievances. Paradoxically, the de‐politicization of the reform advanced its re‐politicization, led by non‐governmental advocacy organizations in civil society. These uncommon political actors in the politics of ALM reforms were able to lead a counter‐coalition, delegitimize the reform, and mobilize politicians to eventually terminate activation     

现代性语境下的职业倦怠

社会-文化-历史的职业倦怠观认为,职业倦怠并不是某一阶段单一个体的突发状况,而是社会结构在个体身上的投影.现代社会结构的建立和形成,与我们中的每一个体息息相关,影响着现代人的生产、生活.世俗化与精神危机、社会分层及流动与职业追求、转型期的职业声望、科层制与现代企业组织理性化和现代生活方式等这些现代性的具体表征都对现代人...     

构建贫困弱势群体医疗救助体系的探析

改革开放以来,我国经济社会取得了长足发展。与此同时,各个群体产生利益分化和群体分化,形成了贫困弱势群体。由于缺乏必要的医疗保障。贫困弱势群体看病贵、看病难问题已经成为经济社会可持续发展的障碍,进而成为构建和谐社会的障碍。本文将对其医疗保障的现状进行描述,分析缺乏医疗保障的成因,提出针对贫困弱势群体的医疗保障问题,需要建立一个多层次的医疗救助体系。     

The decomposition of social policy in Sweden

The traditionally strong dominance of the state in social security in Sweden has been replaced by a more mixed structure. Individuals are increasingly covered by a mix of private welfare, employment-based corporate welfare and state programmes. There are several reasons behind this development: shifts in the economic and political conditions, strong tax incentives for the individual to buy private insurance, increasing problems for the public system in covering the loss of income for middle and high income earners, repeated media reports that the public welfare system will go bankrupt in the near future and increasing reports on free-riding and cheating in the area of public insurance. The advantage of the more mixed system may be its similarities to social insurance in some of the European Community Member States. However, from a social policy point of view there are also some dangers. There will be increasing tendencies towards inequality. In particular, the difference in social security conditions between the skilfully employed and marginal groups will be even more marked. The unemployed, the young and people with physical or mental handicaps will be left outside the private and corporate structures. There is also a marked risk that some individuals be reach a level of coverage well above the loss of income, and this will be a disincentive to work. Private and corporate welfare systems are also largely invisible in the sense that individuals may not even know under what conditions they are covered. Another problem is that public attitudes towards the public welfare system will increasingly become more negative and different in various parts of the population. The effect of this may be a vicious circle: public social policy becomes increasingly inefficient and unpopular among the working population and remains only as a marginal system for small marginal groups.