Local Union Leadership Orientation and Union Democracy*

Cette ktude pr6sente une alternative au concept du systPme de dew partis pour le maintient d' un ordre democratique dans les organizations dites volontaires. On a présupposé que, en l'absence de conflit institutionalisé les orientations de rôle de militants qui se dedient des rôles de leaders determinent le caractère politique de l'organization.
On a choisi les délégués Aune convention constitutionelle des United Auto Workers (Syndicat des Travailleurs de 1'Automobile). On a supposé que les facteurs qui conditionnent un ordre democratique sont (i) l'orientation des valeurs des delbgues, (ii) l'evaluation du syndicat comme organization d6mocratique par les délégukés (iii)la perception par les dhgués du comportement politique des membres et de l'attitude de ceux-ci envers le direction du syndicat. Les resultats suggerent qu' il y a chez ces degues un fort attachement aux valeurs democratiques. En plus, l'evaluation du syndicat par les delegubs et leur perception de l'attitude et du comportement des membres sont des influences determinantes qui renforcent leur attachement B un syst6me democratique de direction.     

Unity in Diversity: Sociology in The Netherlands1

Does accumulation of knowledge occur in the social sciences, and if so, under what conditions? Three research programs in Dutch sociology are evaluated with regard to theory accumulation: figurational sociology at the University of Amsterdam: structural individualistic sociology at the University of Utrecht; and data-based sociological practice at the University of Leyden. In the first two schools, a wide international orientation is accompanied by the use of a closure mechanism, i. e. a publication and citation network that is restricted to members of the same research program. The result is a high degree of theoretical unity within a context of program diversity. The article concludes with some observations on the future of Dutch sociology, followed by a list of publications in each of the three programs.     

Canadian Subarctic Athapaskans in the literature to 1965*

Reports on communities of Northern Athapaskan speakers began to appear with the earliest exploration of the American Subarctic. Some early publications include astute and penetrating observations. However, professional ethnography of these peoples has developed only in recent decades and much has yet to be learned on this level. For this and other reasons, theoretical discussion arising from Northern Athapaskan material has not been lively. There are many opportunities for work on Northern Athapaskan society and culture; some are pointed out in this article.     

Eskimo Education,Danish and Canadian: A Comparison*

Les auteurs comparent les facilityés d'enseignement mises à la disposition des Esquimaux du Groënland et de ceux de l'Arctique occidental canadien. La comparaison est faite d'une perspective historique et aussi du point de vue du fonctionnement eontemporain des deux systèmes d'éducation. La langue utilisée dans l'enseignement, les antécédents, la formation et les rôles de l'instituteur, le contenu des programmes, l'internat et l'externat sont l'objet d'une analyse. Cette analyse recherche les conséquences de ces facteurs sur l'adaptation socio-culturelle des éléves et de la population des deux régions.     

Gender and Promotion at Canadian Universities*

De 1984 à 1999, pour tous les professeurs à plein temps des universités canadiennes, les modèles de temps de défaillance accéléré démontrent que le temps médian de promotion de professeur adjoint à professeur agrégé est de 0,4 année plus long pour les femmes. Il n'y a pas de pic correspondant au refus de titularisation après cinq à sept ans de service, et les augmentations salariales des promotions sont stables avec le temps. Le temps médian de promotion de professeur agrégéà professeur titulaire est d'un an plus long pour les femmes que le temps médian pour les hommes, soit 8,3 années. Les différences entre les disciplines et entre les institutions n'ont qu'un petit impact sur les évaluations des différences entre les genres dans les promotions. From 1984 to 1999, for all full‐time faculty members at Canadian universities, accelerated failure time models show that the median time to promotion from assistant to associate professor is 0.4 years longer for women. There is no peak corresponding to denial of tenure after five to seven years of service and rates of promotion are stable over time. Women's median time for promotion from associate to full professor is one year longer than the median for men, 8.3 years. Variation between disciplines and between institutions has little impact on estimates of gender differences in promotion.     

Neoconservatism and the Canadian pro-family movement*

Le mouvement pro-famille est né au Canada en 1983 grǎce à une campagne d'organisation autour de plusieurs thèmes symboliques liés à la défense de la famille traditionnelle et des valeurs morales conservatrices. Le mouvement s'est limité dans un premier temps à des sorties de caractère rhétorique contre le féminisme, les droits des homosexuels, l'éducation sexuelle, le divorce sans culpabilité et l'avortement. Cependant, depuis 1987, il s'associe de plus en plus activement aux thèmes politiques du néo-conservatisme. S'appuyant sur les données recueillies en 1986 et 1987 à l'aide d'un questionnaire envoyé par la poste à un échantillon national de 812 membres d'expression anglaise, l'auteur de cette communication avance des hypothèses quant à la probabilité que le mouvement réussisse à entraǐner une mobilisation autour de revendications touchant la fiscalité et les réductions des services sociaux. Les données sont examinées sous l'angle de la relation entre l'idéologie d'un mouvement social et l'héritage culturel de ses membres ordinaires. The pro-family movement organized in Canada in 1983 around a number of symbolic issues related to a defence of the traditional family and conservative moral values. In its nascent years, it restricted its efforts to rhetorical attacks against feminism, gay rights, sex education, no-fault divorce, and abortion. Since 1987, however, it has increasingly promoted a neoconservative agenda. On the basis of data collected in 1986–87 in a mail-out survey of the national (Anglophone) membership (N=812), this paper speculates about the movement's likelihood of mobilizing support around fiscal issues and social service cutbacks. These data are discussed with reference to questions about the relationship between social movement ideology and the experiences and cultural heritage of rank-and-file supporters.     

Fiscal equalisation: Principles and an application to the European Union

The paper derives a normative model for partial fiscal equalisation based on a number of axioms and makes special allowance for the existence of a specific fiscal need in the jurisdictions. A simple version of this idealised equalisation scheme relates net contributions to the equalisation funds to deviations of a jurisdictions gross income from average gross income and a jurisdictions specific needs from average specific needs. The theoretical model is then empirically tested for the case of the European Union using data from 1986–97. It is found that most restrictions of the model appear to hold, in particular, relatively richer countries contribute more and those with greater fiscal needs, approximated by the importance of the agricultural sector, pay less. However, in the EU, an adjustment of net payments to changes in the actual importance of the specific fiscal need for a country is lacking.The paper was presented at the CESifo Area Conference on Public Sector Economics 2001 in Munich and at a research seminar in Berlin. Thanks to the participants, Matthias Brückner, Johann Brunner, Jeremy Edwards, Friedrich Heinemann, Eckhard Janeba, Roland Strausz, and Alfons Weichenreider for helpful comments. Special thanks to an anonymous referee for many detailed suggestions. All remaining errors are our own.     

Antiracism Organizing and Resistance in Nursing: African Canadian Women*

Cette étude porte sur la lutte menée en Ontario et au Québec de la fin des années 1970 jusqu'aux années 1990 par les femmes de couleur - et plus particulièrement par les infirmières noires -contre le racisme sévissant dans le contexte de leur vie professionnelle. L'auteure procède à une analyse intégrale du phénomène dans une perspective antiraciste. Elle démontre que le racisme est le principal facteur opérant dans la subordination des infirmières noires et que le parti pris contre les femmes et les préjugés fondés sur les origines sociales ont toujours été tributaires d'un racisme sous-jacent. This study examines women of colour, specifically African Canadian nurses, organizing and resisting racism in nursing in Ontario and Quebec from the late 1970s to the 1990s, from an integrative anti-racism perspective. The author demonstrates that although racism is more visibly salient in black nurses' subordination, gender and class have historically been racialized in nursing, a phenomenon that continues today.     

Male hegemony and the English Canadian novel*

D'après un examen des romans canadiens-anglais couvrant une période de 200 ans, il est clair que le roman canadien-anglais est un véhicule servant à perpétuer l'hégémonie masculine. Au cours de la période en question, la grande majorité des romans exprimait une acceptation de la subordination de la femme. Seuls quelques-uns ont soit jeté un doute sur cette position, soit rejeté entièrement la position inférieure de la femme, mais ce sentiment s'est manifesté seulement au cours des dernieres années. Il est étonnant qu'au xxe siècle, le fait de douter ou de rejeter la subordination féminine ne soit pas associé au doute ou au rejet de la structure des classes.
From an examination of English Canadian novels over a 200-year period, it is clear that the English Canadian novel is a vehicle for the perpetuation of male hegemony. Over the time period in question, the vast majority of novels embodied an acceptance of women's subordination. Only a few have either questioned or rejected women's inferior position. Moreover, the latter sentiment has only become manifest in recent years. Surprisingly, however, in the twentieth century, a questioning or rejection of women's subordination is not associated with a questioning or rejection of the class structure.     

Public opinion and the Canadian political crisis*

This survey of public opinion offers little hope of a speedy resolution to the conflict between the federal government and the government of Quebec by reference to a wider public debate than is provided for in the existing electoral machinery. In Quebec, the program of the Parti Quebecois is supported by about one-third of the population. However, the very great majority of Quebecers wants recognition of the special status of French in their province, in line with the recent language legislation of the pq government. French Quebecers also strongly support the extension of bilingual opportunities in education and government in the rest of Canada, policies which are presently beyond the jurisdiction of the federal government and which provincial governments are not yet prepared to enact. A clear majority of Canadians outside Quebec opposes provisions for the special status of French within Quebec as the language of work and of schooling for non-English-speaking immigrants, and only a small majority supports the extension of educational and governmental facilities in French outside Quebec. Differences in public opinion are equally pronounced with respect to the issues of concessions and economic agreement. The great majority of Quebecers favours an economic agreement with the rest of Canada if the province becomes independent. Outside Quebec only a bare majority of Canadians supports any concessions to Quebec to prevent separation, and a large proportion of them draws the line at “minor” concessions. Similarly, only a slight majority of Canadians outside of Quebec is prepared to approve of the negotiation of an economic agreement should a majority of Quebecers vote for independence, and it seems likely that a majority in English Canada would oppose any concrete suggestions for economic union. Further insights into the structure of these political attitudes can be obtained from Table V1, which shows gamma values measuring the associations between the individual items discussed so far and compares these associations for the two large non-minority groups - the French in Quebec and the non-French outside Quebec. The generally stronger associations in Quebec among the responses to items a to E -measuring support for conventional policies of bilingualism - indicate that French Quebecers are more likely to view the extension of these rights in Quebec and English Canada in terms of reciprocity and that their beliefs are more coherently organized than those of English Canadians. It is interesting to examine the relationship between support for English-language schooling for Canadians who move to Quebec versus provision for this schooling for people who do not speak English and move to Quebec. In English Canada the two policies are very strongly related; the gamma of 81 indicates that both policies are seen as part of a single dimension. But French Quebecers see these as two distinguishable issues, though they are still positively related (the gamma is.25). In Quebec there is little relationship between support for independence and attitudes to bilingualism. Support for independence is weakly, but negatively, correlated with support for English schooling for English Canadians who move to Quebec and with recognition of the right to communicate with the Quebec government in English. Supporters of independence tend to oppose common Federalist notions of bilingualism, but not as strongly as might be expected. What is suggested here is that “independen-tisme” is a reaction to conditions within Quebec - as indicated further by the definite association between support for independence and the measures to protect French within Quebec - rather than a reaction to conditions in Canada or an ethnocentric response to English Canadians generally. The data in Table VI also indicate that amongst non-French-speaking Canadians outside Quebec support for the extension of opportunities for the use of French in Canada is associated with support for the recognition of the special status of French in Quebec and with approval of a more conciliatory attitude to concessions and economic agreement with Quebec. The relevant coefficients are in the order of.30, indicating a fairly consistent attitudinal structure. In English Canada, therefore, attitudes to bilingualism reflect a general orientation towards political developments in Quebec which can be seen in terms of the response of a dominant ethnic group to the assertion of “civil rights” by an ethnic minority. In Quebec, on the other hand, problems of civil rights in majority-minority relations within Canada have little or nothing to do with the demand for the right to self-determination. This demand reflects rather the concentration of the French population and the historical continuity of the French community in Quebec, and arguments over the right to self-determination are based upon interpretations of political and economic conditions within Quebec. Within Quebec, therefore, we expect to explain attitudes to independence and language rights in terms of conventional theories of support for nationalist movements, while in the rest of Canada we concentrate on theories of prejudice and support for civil liberties.     

Postmaterialism in Unresponsive Political Systems: The Canadian Case*

Nous examinons la thèse de Ronald Inglehart selon laquelle le postmatérialisme est un phénomène politique universel qui concerne toute société industrialisée avancée. Après avoir introduit une distinction entre systèmes politiques réactifs et non réactifs, nous proposons que, dans les systèmes réactifs, le clivage matérialiste s'est enracinéà un tel point qu'il triomphait encore du postmatérialisme. Par contre, le postmatérialisme a réussi à se démarquer dans les systèmes non réactifs, ceux où le clivage matérialiste avait toujours été plus faible. Nous soutenons que les données tirées des sondages nationaux tenus lors des élections canadiennes de 1984 et 1997 confirment notre hypothèse sur les effets des systèmes non réactifs. Bien que le Canada soit l'objet principal de notre analyse, dans la conclusion nous nous penchons sur des facteurs qui pourraient expliquer les différences dans le postmatérialisme aux niveaux provincial et international. This article disputes Inglehart's claim that postmaterialism is a uniform political phenomenon that transcends differences between advanced industrial societies. We distinguish responsive from unresponsive political systems and argue that, in responsive systems, the materialist cleavage became so deeply entrenched that postmaterialism could not vie for dominance. In contrast, postmaterialism has become more salient than materialism in unresponsive systems, where the materialist cleavage was weaker to begin with. We argue that data from the Canadian National Election Surveys of 1984 and 1997 are consistent with our prediction about the effect of unresponsiveness. Differences within the Canadian electorate became weaker for materialist issues but more pronounced for postmate‐rialist issues between 1984 and 1997. Although our empirical analysis focusses on Canada, we conclude by speculating about the causes of cross‐provincial and cross‐national variations in postmaterialism.     

Educating Women: Gender Inequalities among Canadian University Graduates*

Dans le présent article, les auteurs proposent une analyse comparative des revenus et du chomage dliommes et de femmes diplômés universitaires entre 1978 et 1988. Les résultats montrent que le sexe continue d'exercer une influence importante sur ces données; le rapport global hommes-femmes est en effet passé de 84% a 91%. Seule une petite partie de l'écart des revenus peut s'expliquer par des différences entre les hommes et les femmes au regard du recrutement sur le marché du travail. Les auteurs considèrent ces résultats révélateurs de la ségrégation entre les hommes et les femmes, et que celle-ci mène à des différences dans les cheminements de carrière. De plus, pour l'avenir, ils prévoient que, tandis que l'écart des revenus continuera probablement de diminuer, les formes d'inégalité entre les diplômés seront peut-ôtre de plus en plus marquées, surtout que l'écart des revenus est en déclin parmi les cohortes récentes. This paper compares male versus female income and unemployment for three cohorts of university graduates between 1978 and 1988. Results show that gender became a weaker predictor of these outcomes, with the female-male earning ratio growing from 84% to 91% over this period. Nonetheless, a notable wage gap remained in later cohorts, and for one cohort income disparities widened with time in the labour market. Moreover, only a relatively small portion of the earnings gap could be attributed to male-female differences in market endowments. The authors interpret these results as illustrating gender segregation within occupations that result in disparate earning trajectories. Also, it is suggested that while the wage gap will likely continue to shrink, future patterns of inequality among graduates may become increasingly uneven, especially since real wages are declining among recent cohorts.     

Boards of directors: control and decision making in Canadian corporations*

Les statuts légaux spécifient que les corporations doivent être dirigées par un conseil d'administrateurs. Cette étude examine le rôle des directorâts en pouvoir et en contrôle dans un échantillon de corporations manufacturières et découvre, en général, que les conseils n'ont aucune influence sur les prises de décisions. La possession corporative et la composition des conseils sont reconnus comme d'importants facteurs qui affectent les structures de contrôles. Si la possession est concentree sur une base origine-filiale, le contrôle tend àêtre levé par l'enchaînement de gérance. Quand la possession est largement concentrée chez les directeurs, ceux-ci sont en lieu de retenir le contrôle. Si la possession est établie par des actionnaires qui ne sont pas les directeurs, la directive aura des degrés variants de contrôle dans les prises de décisions, dépendant sur la concentration de cette possession. Si la directive contient des courtiers, il est plus possible d'y avoir une fonction de contrôle dans les prises de décisions que quand la corporation est composée entièrement d'initiés. Legal statutes specify that corporations shall be managed by a board of directors. This study examines the role of directorates in power and control in a sample of manufacturing corporations and finds, in general, that most boards are not influential in decision making. Corporate ownership and board composition are found to be important factors affecting control patterns. If ownership is concentrated on a parent-subsidiary basis, control tends to be exercised through management links. When ownership is largely by managers, they are likely to retain control. If ownership is by nonmanager shareholders, then the board will have varying degrees of control in decision making, depending on the concentration of that ownership. If the board contains outsiders, then it is more likely to have a control function in corporate decision making than when it is composed solely of insiders.     

Attitudes of Japanese and American Workers: Convergence or Diversity*

Testing an argument of convergence on a sample of employed males in Japan and the United States, this paper compares young: (18–24 years) with older (45–55 years) workers within each country on work-related attitudes, education and employment, mobility, interest in the company, characteristics of superiors, and job satisfaction. Comparisons of these attitudes are also made within age-group cross-nationally. Our general finding, which is upheld when company size, type of job, and educational attainment, are controlled for, is that cultural diversity is (still) a better explanation than convergence when applied to work-related attitudes. Aging per se seems to have some similar effects in both societies, e.g., a positive relationship beween age and work satisfaction. Attitudes affected more by historical changes in work organization, however, exhibit stronger cultural differences than age differences.