Presidential rhetoric,agency turnover,and the importance of salience to bureaucratic leadership

What explains the quit rates of federal agencies? Can presidential rhetoric affect quit rates of federal agencies, particularly those that implement salient policies? Although much research examines other ways presidents may affect the federal bureaucracy, absent is a systematic examination of presidential leadership of agency quit rates, despite the importance of personnel turnover to effective bureaucratic implementation. I argue that presidential rhetoric on the size of government can affect agency turnover. This impact is only likely for agencies that implement salient policies, because salience encourages bureaucratic responsiveness to elected officials. The findings reveal that presidents who speak more favorably about government reduce aggregate turnover in the Environmental Protection Agency and Department of Education from 1980 through 2005. I conclude with some observations about what these findings mean for presidential control of the bureaucracy.     

The Impact of Presidential Speeches on the Bureaucracy*

Objective. Scholars have long held that presidents use various tools to control the federal bureaucracy. Yet, despite their importance to presidents in achieving their policy goals in Congress, few scholars have examined the impact of presidential speeches on bureaucratic activity. This article analyzes the impact of both positive and negative policy signals on civil rights policy in the bureaucracy. Method. I test this hypothesis using speeches coded from the Public Papers of the Presidents and their impact on criminal cases filed by the Civil Rights Division over time. Given heteroskedasticity in the dependent variable, log‐linear time‐series methods are appropriate. Results. The president's positive speeches increase the number of criminal civil rights cases filed in U.S. District Court. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 also has had a significant, positive impact on bureaucratic activity. Conclusions. In part because bureaucrats have discretion to resist presidential preferences that oppose an agency's core task, negative signals do not affect the implementation of civil rights policy. Yet, positive presidential speeches are available to presidents who may wish to influence the bureaucracy.     

Room for climate advocates in a coal‐focused economy? NGO influence on Australian climate policy

Many Australian environmental non‐government organisations (NGOs) have campaigned for greater political action and community awareness on human‐induced climate change for almost two decades. Australian emissions are the highest per person in the world, yet the Government's response is heavily influenced by the economically‐significant fossil fuel industry. NGO campaigners are sceptical of their campaigns' effectiveness. This paper presents three methods for evaluating the effectiveness of NGO climate change campaigns: Moyer's Movement Action Plan, Schumaker's Assessment of Political Effectiveness, and a document analysis of the influence of NGO submissions to climate policy processes. Evaluation is critical for NGO campaigns to improve their effectiveness, and evaluation criteria and methods should ideally be designed in parallel with the campaign strategy. Using these evaluation methods, it is evident that Australian NGO campaigns on climate change have been effective.     

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment policy and Welfare to Work: The Community Development Programme and the need for new narratives,new alliances and new institutions

The way Australian federal governments have approached Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment and welfare policy over the last two decades has been a paradigmatic example of what not to do in policymaking. In the absence of effective engagement or consultation, a series of decisions under Coalition and Australian Labor Party governments have had a range of negative consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These changes – centred around the closure of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme and implementation of the Community Development Programme (CDP) – have resulted in increased unemployment, inadequate support for job creation, a dramatic over‐application of income penalties to social security recipients and reduced capacity in many community organisations. This article argues that these outcomes constitute policy failure, especially given that genuine engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people could have prevented many of these consequences. It then turns to an exploration of three ways in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are responding to such policy failure: through promotion of new narratives, new alliances, and new institutions. The study concludes that while we should avoid “specious hope”, there is room for optimism in a renewed push for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignty.     

Bureaucracy and Professionalism in the Social Services

A multidimensional approach to the study of bureaucracy and professionalism among 200 social service workers provides general support for two hypotheses. The conflict hypothesis is that, as perceived by the workers, the bureaucratic dimensions of hierarchy of authority, formalized rules, procedural specificity, and impersonality are inversely associated with workers' professionalism. The congruence hypothesis is that an extensive division of labor and a high degree of technical competence are positively associated with workers' professionalism. Results underscore the complexity of the relationship between bureaucracy and professionalism and suggests that only particular dimensions of bureaucracv are inhibitive of effective job performance by social work professionals. Conclusions point to directions for future research.     

论社会转型期政府在城市社区建设中的角色

改革开放以来,我国社会结构、社会运行机制和价值观念体系加速变化,整个社会处于加速转型之中。经过二十多年的改革发展,城市社区建设在社会体制的加速转型之中兴起,并且取得了巨大的成就。然而,在社会转型期却存在许多问题,政府在城市社区建设中存在着角色定位不准确,在城市社区管理中存在“越位”、“缺位”和“错位”等问题。本文结合城市社区建设的发展过程分析,认为政府在城市社区建设中的角色应该由主导性向公共服务性转变。     

科层为体、项目为用：一个中央项目运作的组织探讨

当前中国政府组织中项目泛滥,其运作往往离不开科层体制,要想深入理解项目运作,就要探讨它与科层制的复杂关系。立足于基础性组织理论,本文提炼出项目制的三重构成要素,并与科层制进行比较,勾勒出两者之间的关系,尤其是看似融合背后的张力。这种张力体现在：项目统一规划与科层条线传递之间的张力;项目的时段性与科层的常态性之间的张力;项目的目标导向与科层的规则导向之间的张力。在当前政府科层体制缺乏有效外部约束、项目发包方与需求方隔离过远等条件下,这种张力体现得淋漓尽致,呈现出“科层为体、项目为用”式的项目运作机制。本文以中央农口项目的整合为案例,指出这项中央、省级和基层均有意为之的变革最终失败的根本原因就来自上述系统性张力。本文通过对多级科层组织策略实践的考察,具体而微地刻画了这种张力的表现形式。     

‘WORK FOR THE DOLE’ – A CHEAP LABOUR MARKET PROGRAM? AN ECONOMIST'S PERSPECTIVE

From an economists perspective, this paper explores some of the issues associated with the design of an effective labour market program, and evaluation processes which are required to determine the merits of a scheme. This analysis comes at the time when pilot projects under the federal Government's ‘Work for the Dole’ scheme are being implemented. The paper concludes that if the ‘Work for the Dole’ scheme is to be viewed as a labour market program, then an evaluation mechanism should have been determined prior to the implementation of such a scheme.     

State Variations in Nursing Home Social Worker Qualifications

ABSTRACT

This is the first published account of state administrative code variations in nursing home social worker qualifications. It is important to review state codes because the majority of nursing homes in the U.S. have fewer than 121 beds and therefore are not required by the federal government to employ at least one full-time qualified social worker. States have the option of extending the federal regulations to homes with 120 or fewer beds, or strengthening the federal requirements in other ways. Findings indicate enormous variation in state requirements for qualifications of nursing home social workers, and even when states define a qualified nursing home social worker (not all do), they often exempt facilities from employing one. Seven states were found to be out of federal compliance. Research describing the qualifications of people employed in nursing home social services is called for, as well as research documenting effective psychosocial interventions, especially as they relate to resident quality of life. Ten recommendations for enhancing nursing home social work services are included.     

Packaging effective community service delivery: the utility of mandates and contracts in obtaining administrative cooperation

Voluntary agreements, mandates, and contracts integrate networks of social service organizations, allowing them to function as coordinated wholes. The author reviews the history of contracting and mandating in the public sector. It is hypothesized that contracted relationships formalize agreements between local organizations dependent on others. Mandated relationships are perceived to be important by policy-makers at a state or federal level. The differential acceptance and rejection of these relationships in the community is explored. Data from social service agencies are used to compare administrators' assessments of the effectiveness of mandated and contracted relationships used to coordinate a group of agencies delivering services to children. When a mandated relationship has been formalized into a contract by a local administrator the perceived effectiveness of that relationship is higher than any other relationship in the community. If the mandated relationship has not been formalized by a contract this relationship is perceived to be the least effective. Important mandated inter-organizational ties without monetary incentives are less likely to work. Local administrators having developed the contracted ties see these ties as producing a higher level of performance.     

基层信访治理中的“包保责任制” 实践逻辑与现实困境 以鄂中桥镇为例

本文以桥镇为个案,运用国家、基层政权和农民博弈关系的三层分析框架,阐释了乡村基层信访治理中“包保责任制”的实践逻辑和现实困境。研究发现,尽管“包保责任制”能够强化包保责任人的责任意识,并在一定程度上缓解信访治理工作难题,但监控环境与空间隔离、监控技术与社会基础、监控强度与道义压力这三大矛盾使得这一制度的运行陷入困境,滋生了越来越多与制度设计初衷相悖的“目标替代”行为。在此基础上,本文阐释了中国科层制运作的三大矛盾,即理性科层制与非理性运作的矛盾、专业化与综合性的矛盾、常规运作与非常规任务的矛盾,并给出了相应的理论解释。本研究强调,在中国基层权力运作中,长期而广泛存在的名实分离的矛盾现象,不仅仅是科层体制内部各行动主体博弈的结果,也不纯粹是一个组织激励问题,而是由科层体制与乡村社会的合力所催生。由此,在推进基层政权现代化建设进程中,就不能局限于制度建设层面,还要考虑是否具备支撑现代基层政权的社会基础和制度环境。     

Engaging the public in policy development: The national bioethics advisory commission report on research involving persons with mental disorders that may affect decisionmaking capacity

U.S. bioethics commissions have used a variety of methods to involve the public. All share a common requirement: as federal advisory committees they are required to comply with the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the federal law established during the Nixon administration which provides the public with an assurance that groups established by the government to advise the government should be publicly accountable. This paper will describe some of the ways the National Bioethics Advisory Commission (NBAC) sought to involve the public in its report on Research Involving Persons with Mental Disorders that May Affect Decisionmaking Capacity.     

Welfare regime change – or lack of change – in unemployment compensation

Drawing on theoretical accounts of institutional change, this study explored the politics of welfare regime transformation in regard to Turkey's unemployment compensation system. By using the institutionalist approach, the study shows that the process of welfare regime change was one of “institutional layering” of unemployment insurance (UI) over severance pay. Also, the study demonstrates that the economic bureaucracy played a key role in pushing the establishment of UI (state‐centric approach) in contrast to the class‐based organizations that focused their struggles on the severance pay scheme (power‐resource perspective). However, the economic bureaucracy preferred a rudimentary UI design, which prevented UI from undermining the vested interests behind the severance pay scheme. Furthermore, subsequent attempts at the reformation of the severance pay scheme were not successful because the social welfare bureaucracy lacked the capacity to develop a policy alternative to resolve the stalemate between the societal actors. Lastly, the study used the successful severance pay reform experiences of South Korea and Austria to locate the Turkish case within a broader comparative framework.     

需求-供给视角下北京社区养老研究--基于朝阳区12个社区调查

随着人口结构的变迁,中国养老模式逐渐由以家庭为核的橄榄型结构向以社区养老为核的橄榄型结构变迁。社区养老将家庭范畴由传统家庭扩展到社区大家庭,将家庭养老的情感依赖与机构养老的专业服务融入社区养老平台。 S街道老年人需求分布呈现出：基本生理需求＞精神需求＞社会服务需求的序列。社区养老供需失衡的根源在于政府供给错位、市场购买的实践梗阻、社会团体的供给失灵。在信息时代,“数字化社区网格养老”利用成熟的城市网格管理系统,以社区网格为单位,在政府统筹下精准投入多元养老资源,借助于互联网＋社区＋养老的信息化方式,实现养老服务的精细化管理与无缝隙服务。     

Citizenship Lessons from the Past: The Contours of Immigrant Naturalization in the Early 20th Century*

Objectives. What were the determinants and patterns of naturalization in the first two decades of the 20th century? Low levels of citizenship acquisition among contemporary immigrants are frequently contrasted to the assumed rapid naturalization of prior European migrants, but in truth we know little about the earlier period. Historic data are well suited to investigate four explanations for naturalization: individuals' resources and skills; regulatory and bureaucratic barriers to citizenship; relative costs and benefits of citizenship; and the degree of political mobilization directed to immigrants. Methods. I use U.S. Census microfile data to run logistic regression models, and documentary material to examine the contours of immigrant naturalization in the early 20th century. Results. I find that while individual attributes matter, place of residence could be even more important; in 1900, where an immigrant lived influenced naturalization more than birthplace, ability to speak English, or literacy. Residence effects seem linked to a state's relative openness to immigration and local political mobilization. Over time, however, residence effects attenuate as the 1906 Naturalization Act and establishment of a federal naturalization bureaucracy appear to make citizenship patterns more uniform across the country. Conclusions. These findings suggest that historic and contemporary explanations of immigrants' naturalization should focus as much on the context of reception as the presumed quality of immigrants.     

村民眼中的“国家”——对华北一个乡村预防“非典”事件过程的考察

本文以民族志方法,详尽考察了华北一个乡村中不同人员为预防“非典”（SARS）而付出的诸多努力及其社会政治影响。基于参与观察和深度访谈,我们借“非典”预防事件考察了日常国家实践和普通百姓对于国家的观念。当地的“非典”预防过程大致经历了村民自我防护行动和官员与百姓联手共同防治两个阶段。研究表明,中国的“国家”,在当地村民看来,既是一个完整的官僚体系,又是一个由分化的且时而矛盾的机构、场域和过程拼成的复合体;更为重要的是,它有不断变化的形象和脸谱。     

权力与伦理:韦伯支配社会学中的国家理由问题

韦伯在权力与伦理之间的纠结，鲜明地体现了马基雅维里主义“国家理由”学说的双重性。和马基雅维里一样，韦伯看到，随着近代国家的兴起，政治成为一个独立的价值领域，与其他价值领域相冲突，但又不能彻底脱离其他价值领域。因此，他拒绝纯粹信念伦理，主张效果取向的责任伦理。不仅如此，他还直面马基雅维里时代尚未凸显的现代官僚制问题，把政体伦理降格为行政管理的正当性，从而使官僚制与伦理的关系问题走向前台。从这个意义上说，韦伯是一位“新马基雅维里主义者”。韦伯没能也无意彻底解决权力与伦理的冲突，他接受政治的“手段—目的”在伦理上的不一致之非理性现实，但他留下的官僚制与伦理的关系问题早已不只是一个德国问题，更是一个当代政治的普遍问题。今后中国的国家和社会治理研究不仅要从制度层面，还要从观念层面解释中国如何从传统伦理性的“家产官僚制”演变成今天的官僚制。     

Implementation and Politics

An investigation of the relationship between state socioeconomic and political structural variables and state noncompliance with the requirements of federal public welfare grant policy during the period 1970-1972 is reported. The major finding is that the more affluent and politically competitive states are most likely to engage in noncompliance. These are the states that historically have provided the most generous welfare benefits. In addition, those states that expericnce frequent changes in directors of the department of public welfare are more likely to engage in noncompliance. The discussion suggests that state welfare policy is more complex than is revealed by aggregate or average expenditures. Other elements such as decisions about compliance with federal grant requirements must be considered, and the complexity of the choices and possible trade-offs confronting state officials should be recognized.     

Key Determinants to using Telehealth Technology to Serve Medically Ill and Depressed Homebound Older Adults

Despite the increasing evidence for the effectiveness of telehealth technology in screening and treating chronic diseases, and comorbid depression among older adults, they have been slowly adopted by home health care (HHC) agencies. Therefore, this study aimed to identify factors that determine telehealth technology adoption. Twenty directors from the National Association for Homecare & Hospice member agencies completed a 45-min telephone interview. Questions were asked regarding their perceptions of telehealth, the key determinants of telehealth adoption and use, and recommendations they would give on telehealth adoption. The majority of the participants perceived telehealth as effective for managing symptoms and reducing cost. Meanwhile, some participants had a mixed feeling toward telehealth for depression care as they did not recognize their agency as equipped with the necessary resources and trained staff. Moreover, significant determinants of telehealth adoption included the agency-related characteristics, the patient-home environment, reimbursement and cost-related factors, and staff telehealth perception. Findings imply that there is a need for financial support both at the state and the federal levels to encourage telehealth adoption among HHC agencies. Future studies should consider exploring strategies used by successful programs to overcome barriers.     

Cognitive dissonance and political attitudes: The case of Canada

While scholars accept that attitudes have an impact on behavior, cognitive dissonance theory asserts that behavior can, in turn, affect attitudes. The theory suggests attitudes may be transformed by the simple act of voting. Informed by dissonance theory and employing election study survey data from three Canadian federal elections, this article considers the impact of cognitive, affective, and behavioral factors on changes in party evaluations, arguing that elections serve as a significant stimulus for attitude change. Dissonance theory is found to be compatible with observed attitude changes between pre- and post-election questionnaires. Findings have implications for the study of attitude formation and change, the effects that campaigns and elections have upon voters, and survey design.