Gendered Pathways to the Political: The Political Participation of Women Factory Workers in Mexico*

Objectives. The objective of this article is to analyze the mobilization factors available within and without international factories that do and do not contribute to political participation of employees, hypothesizing that the quantity, type, and causal linkages will vary by gender. Methods. Using original survey data of factory employees (N=402) in multiple sectors and regions in Mexico, I test common explanations as to how the factory experience stimulates and stifles the political participation of women employees, exploring whether the causal linkages between the workplace and political engagement are the same for women and men. Results. Contrary to some of the recent research that reveals men to be more politically engaged than women in the Mexican population overall, my data show that among factory workers there is rough parity between men's and women's levels of political engagement. A distinction of note, controlling for other variables, female employees are more likely than male employees to engage in informal political activities. Conclusion. The international factory experience appears to have a limited “egalitarian” effect. The distribution of factors leading to political mobilization for women and men is not equal, yet women are able to translate a distinct set of factors into participation.     

A duration analysis of congressional widows’ careers

The extensive congressional politics literature on House member retirement has yet to consider an important and unique subgroup of members – congressional widows. Using a semi-parametric Cox Model, this paper examines the duration of widows’ careers in the United States House of Representatives. Of particular concern are the relationships between years in office and age, education, region, prior political experience, committee positions, career ceilings, majority/minority status, and majority party size. We find that age, region, and majority party size are most relevant to understanding lengths of widows’ careers. In doing so, we contribute to the literature on political widows, gender in politics, as well as more general scholarship centered on congressional careers.     

Children's and Adolescents' Developing Perceptions of Gender Inequality

Two studies examined children's and adolescents' developing perceptions of gender inequality. The first study examined perceptions of inequality among 272 early, middle, and late adolescents, focusing on the spheres of politics, business, and the home. Results indicated an age‐related increase in perceptions of male dominance. Men were seen to have more power and status in politics than in business whereas relative equality was seen to exist in the home. The second study included 96 child and adolescent participants aged 7–15 and once again found an increase in general perceptions of male dominance with age. Results suggest that young children are less explicitly aware of gender inequality than might be assumed given their extensive knowledge of power‐loaded gender‐role stereotypes.     

Youth, unemployment and political marginalisation

The article investigates the impact of being unemployed on political marginalisation among young people. Are unemployed youth politically marginalised compared with employed youth? Is the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation related to the development of the welfare state? Based on Marshall’s concept of social citizenry, and Esping‐Andersen’s theory of decommodification politics, the impact of unemployment on political marginalisation was expected to be least in the most‐developed welfare states. In these countries, welfare policies were expected to counteract marginalisation among the unemployed. The analyses were based on the Eurobarometer survey Young Europeans from 1990. Three aspects of political marginalisation were investigated: political confidence, political interest and political extremism. Unemployed youth express less confidence in politics, they talk less about politics and they more frequently support revolutionary political ideas, compared with employed youth. The greatest difference in political confidence between unemployed and employed is found in Great Britain, while Italy represents a deviant case where the unemployed have more confidence than the employed. The development of the welfare state does not appear to be a crucial factor for political confidence among the unemployed.     

Criticism of the Logic of the Ecological Imperialism of “Carbon Politics” and Its Transcendence

Within the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, international carbon politics inevitably presents itself as the logic or essence of “ecological imperialism,” reflecting a few Western countries’ expansion and development of their historically formed international hierarchical superiority or exclusive hegemony on the basis of their domestic capitalist economies and politics. This is an intrinsic obstacle to creating a more equitable, democratic and effective global climate or environmental governance system. Criticism of international carbon politics and its “ecological imperialism,” based on traditional “green-left” theories from Marxist philosophy and political economy, provides a theoretical basis for seeking an alternative way to cope with global climate change effectively. As a responsible developing country, China’s response to climate change is not only an internal requirement for the promotion of its own sustainable development, but also reflects its responsibility to create a community of shared future for mankind. This rationale for our time determines that it is necessary for China to become a world leader in coping with global climate change and environmental governance through a leadership which lies in making a contribution rather than fighting for hegemony.     

Causation and Behavior: The Necessity and Benefits of Incorporating Evolutionary Thinking into Political Science

Political science now recognizes that both biological and social factors are significant to the expression of political phenomena. While necessary, this development has significant theoretical and methodological consequences. The recognition of biological and social factors complicates, rather than simplifies, the study of political phenomena by requiring a more complex model of behavioral causation.Objective.To adapt to this complexity, political science must familiarize itself with the study of behavior in the life and evolutionary sciences and adopt a consilient behavioral model. Method.To assist with this development, this article familiarizes political scientists with the principles on causation as they relate to behavior. It also reviews the most common approaches to studying behavioral causation in the evolutionary sciences. Conclusion.The article discusses the practical benefits of incorporating evolutionary thinking into the study of politics, including the importance of evolutionary thinking for problems of omitted variable bias.     

Political information,gender and the vote: the differential impact of organizations,personal discussion,and the media on the electoral decisions of women and men

Although there are many demonstrated ways in which men and women approach politics differently, we know very little about how sources of political information, e.g., mass media, political organizations, differentially influence the vote choices of men and women. Using a rich, contextual dataset containing measures not only of respondent perceptions of political information, but actual content coding of those sources of political information, we estimate how television, newspapers, personal discussants, organizations, and political parties may have impacted the voting of men and women in the 1992 U.S. presidential election. We find that women’s vote choices are more likely than men’s to be influenced by the organizations to which they belong. Women are also more likely to respond to television news with a hostile media bias—they see television newscasts as definitively favoring the candidate that they oppose. We address possible explanations for these patterns of results and point towards directions for additional research.     

Asian‐Pacific‐American Partisanship: Dynamics of Partisan and Nonpartisan Identities*

Objectives. This article seeks to understand the development of partisanship among Asian Americans since a significant portion do not choose either major party affiliation, but select an independent or a truly nonpartisan status. With a rapidly growing Asian‐American population, examining its pattern for both partisan and nonpartisan identification has been ignored. This research took a developmental process in which acquisition of any partisan affiliation/identification is a critical juncture for Asian‐American political incorporation. Therefore, considering contributing factors that affect the acquisition of any partisan affiliation as a precursor to specific Asian‐American partisan affiliation/behaviors is our direction. Methods. Using a logistical regression model and data from the Pilot National Asian American Political Survey, a category of variables, including sociodemographic, Asian‐American subgroup status, U.S. political orientations and attitudes, and experiences with U.S. society, are used to understand a partisan and nonpartisan affiliation. Results. This study reveals that aspects of socioeconomic status, political attitudes, and immigrant experiences are important, in varying degrees (especially Asian subgroup status) to understand partisan acquisition for Asian Americans. More so, Asian‐American subgroups, persons with lower educational and income levels, and participants in the labor force are less likely to assume a partisan affiliation. Levels of interest in U.S. politics and length of time in the United States do contribute to a partisan affiliation. Conclusions. Viewing partisan affiliation as a developmental process is an important research avenue to approach the Asian‐American community. The inclusion of not only sociodemographic variables, but experiences and evaluation of the U.S. political system, as well as recognizing the political “culture” of Asian‐American subgroups, provides a more complete understanding of the partisan acquisition process.     

Slanted Objectivity? Perceived Media Bias,Cable News Exposure,and Political Attitudes*

Objectives. This research explores the consequences of a fragmented television news audience. The recent proliferation of a wide array of television news sources has influenced the manner in which a large number of Americans get their information about politics and government. The political consequences of media fragmentation and the polarization of the U.S. television news audience are explored. Methods. I analyze data on television news‐gathering habits and political attitudes collected from several surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center during the 2004 presidential election campaign. Results. The Fox News Channel has been the main beneficiary of television news fragmentation by appealing to those individuals who have become disillusioned with what they perceive as a liberally‐biased mainstream media. The findings show that the Fox News audience has a distinct set of political attitudes regarding President Bush and his opposition. Evidence also indicates that the Fox News audience has distinct voting behavior patterns, even when controlling for party identification. Finally, the results illustrate that Fox News watchers have perceptions of political reality that differ from the rest of the television news audience. Conclusions. The television news audience is divided along political lines. This division could contribute toward further political polarization among the U.S. mass public as the content of television news coverage of politics becomes less and less homogenized.     

从政治学视角看我国高等学校领导体制

目前,我国高等学校实行的是党委领导下的校长负责制。从政治学视觉来考察,可以发现这一体制有着丰富的科学内涵,但在实际操作中有些问题应当加以注意。     

Gender Jeopardy: What is the Impact of Gender Differences in Political Knowledge on Political Participation?*

Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office.     

The Pomp of Power: Black Mayoralties in Urban America*

Objectives. Although urban scholarship has come to better understand the dynamics of black political incorporation in the United States, to date scant empirical attention has been paid to an important element of minority representation in local politics—the rise of black mayors. The present study addresses this gap in the extant literature. Methods. We analyze incidences of black mayoralties by fitting standard pooled and random effects probit models to a panel of 309 cities observed between 1971 and 2000. Results. Although cities' racial profiles are strongly associated with the incidence of black mayoralties, black representation on city council, black educational attainment, and reformed governments increase the odds of black mayoral emergence. On the other hand, southern location continues to depress the rise of black mayoralties, as do partisan elections, particularly in cities where no racial group constitutes a majority. Conclusions. Although our results partially confirm extant research on the diffusion of black mayoralties in American urban politics, they also call into question conventional wisdom. Our study emphasizes the need for more large‐N studies of minority representation in urban politics and provides suggestions for how the independent effects of black mayors on municipal policy outcomes might subsequently be analyzed empirically.     

Sexual Behaviors and Perceptions of HIV Risk in a Multiethnic U.S. Sample of Women Who Have Sex with Women

Abstract

This study investigated the sexual practices and perceptions of HIV risk in a national sample women who have sex with women (WSW). A multiethnic sample of 239 WSW aged 18–68?years attending GLBTQ pride events in three U.S. cities (Chicago, Atlanta, and Fort Lauderdale) completed an anonymous survey regarding their sexual behaviors, thoughts and perceptions of HIV risk. In the past 6?months, 18% of participants reported one or more male partners. Perception of HIV risk was associated with having more male partners (r?=?.244, p?r?=?.185, p?r?=?.191, p?r?=?.169, p?r?=?.208, p?相似文献   

Intra-group variation in conservative Christians’ gender ideologies (1972–2006)

This paper illuminates significant intra-group variations in the gender ideologies of conservative Christians in the United States. Between the 1970s and the present, both conservative Christian men and women have become increasingly accepting of women's roles in politics and women's participation in the workforce. Religiously conservative women have become more opposed to sexual freedoms and abortion rights. Religiously conservative men have become less opposed over time to sexual freedoms and have not changed with regard to abortion ideology. In general, for both men and women, conservative Christians who are older, attend church services more often and have less education tend to be more conservative in their gender ideologies. For females only, higher incomes lead to less conservative gender ideologies, and living in the southern region of the United States tends to decrease their support for female politicians.     

Political trust,young people and institutions in Europe. A multilevel analysis

The constant decline of political trust has been shown in political sociology. Young people in particular seem to display lower levels of political trust, which is a challenge for the sustainability of democracy. Still, these levels of political trust among youth differ greatly from one country to another. This article therefore seeks to answer the following question: How can we account for cross‐national diversity with regard to young people’s political trust? To answer this question, I performed multilevel analyses based on data from the European Social Survey. I show in the article that cross‐national diversity stems from the institutional arrangements that structure entry into adulthood, i.e., what I call ‘youth welfare citizenship regimes’: The more inclusive is the youth economic citizenship and the more individualised is their social citizenship, the higher is young people’s political trust – which could buffer the decline in political trust.     

坚定不移地走中国特色社会主义政治发展道路

中国特色社会主义政治发展道路,在理论层面是党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国的有机统一,实践层面或制度载体是人民代表大会制度等四项政治制度。这是我国社会主义民主政治的特点和优势,实践证明是行之有效、富有生命力的。党的十七大明确解答了在当代中国发展社会主义民主政治必须走什么路的问题,并作了具体部署,意义十分重大。继续沿着这条正确道路走下去,我国民主政治建设一定能够取得新的更大的成就。     

南亚女性执政及源头参与

自20世纪60年代以来南亚国家女性高端参政现象凸显。这一现象有着深层次文化缘由,从本土文化中等级制度衍生的家族政治和女神崇拜是不可忽视的因素。女性执掌最高政治权力,决策国家和政府事务,显示了女性在政治生活中源头参与的意义,同时,对推动妇女运动的发展和女性广泛参与政治生活也产生了积极的影响,但并不意味着这些国家的女性已普遍具有参政的强烈意识。     

The Long-Term Effects of Adolescent Childrearing

Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Mature Women are used to explore the effect of adolescent childrearing on the hourly wages of women in the labor force. Women who were adolescent mothers earn less than other married or previously married women because of a persistent inability to achieve comparable educational levels. Adolescent mothers from more favorable socioeconomic backgrounds do better than other adolescent mothers in terms of education and income but, relative to women from the same background who postponed childrearing, their losses are substantial. Adolescent mothers are also more likely than other women to be or to have been single heads of households, with the economic disadvantages of that status. Public policy approaches to the prohlems of teenage parenthood must consider rhe provision of income resources and child care supports to enable young mothers to complete high school in order to further their chances for eventual self-support.     

Medical Handmaidens' Changing Self-image

To examine whether recent social changes were associated with changes in women's self perceptions, the ambitions and self-concepts of incoming female students in three health professions were surveyed in 1976 and 1986. In 1986 students were more ambitious to achieve professional recognition and leadership, more committed to their careers (even when their children were young), wanted fewer children, attached more importance to enjoying life and less to doing good in society, and had more egalitarian attitudes toward women's roles in society. In 1986, students described their self-concepts in more masculine, androgynous and socially desirable terms. Greater career commitment was associated with higher levels of egalitarianism, masculinity and androgyny.