青年志愿者社会动员方式的调查

以互联网为主要特征的全球信息化浪潮，正在引发当今世界的深刻变革，也改变着青少年的思想和行为方式。目前，青年志愿者行动主要使用组织动员的方式逐层发动．动员成本高、效果不理想。本研究通过对上海市闵行区青年志愿者活动的访谈和问卷调查．对在新的形势下在保持传统组织动员方式优势的同时，如何借助网络等新兴传媒平台进行青年志愿者的社会动员进行了探索，提出了相关的对策建议。     

Social Capital, Resource Mobilization and Origins of the Civil Rights Movement

Abstract  This article critiques the contradictory claims of Robert Putnam and Aldon Morris in relation to the American civil rights movement. Putnam identifies the South as the American region most lacking in social capital, and argues more generally that the 1960s marked a watershed beyond which social capital in the United States declined in all regions. Morris identifies the indigenous resources of southern African American communities as fundamental to the civil rights movement's emergence in the late 1950s and sees the social networks and cultural assets of the African American church in particular as central to the movement. The article disputes Putnam's negative judgment of the South by highlighting the role played by various types of social capital in the movement's launch. It also challenges Morris's over-emphasis on the ability of charismatic, black church leadership to deliver mass support and re-affirms the role played by female lay figures, such as beauticians.     

Globalization and Changing Patterns of Social Mobilization in Urban India

Recent developments around the globe – from organization into forums such as the World Social Forum to smaller protests – have necessitated a review of the notion of movements/mobilizations. There is an enhanced focus on ‘mobilizing/organizing’ masses. The character of mobilizations is radically transformed and is in a constant flux leading to explorations of newer ‘experiments’. Central to such a conceptualization, given the state of mobilizations worldwide, is the need to grapple with the causal factors and the dialectics of systemic dynamics and mobilizations. This paper seeks to comprehend the dynamics of mobilizations, their rise and fall in the light of contemporary developments of rampant consumerism and individualization resulting in shrinking collective spaces. It argues that in the transformed setting, when liberalism coexists with mounting coercion of private capital through state as well as non-state institutions, mobilizations of changed character will be ultimate expressions of resistance leading in due course to a macro-assertion. Such a debate has not been taken up seriously in India with the same intensity as in the Latin American context or in Western sociology. The arguments made in the paper are based on interviews with activists, interaction with activists and their experiences in different meetings as well as research based on secondary material.     

Social Movement Rhetoric and the Social Psychology of Collective Action: A Case Study of Anti-Abortion Mobilization

This paper seeks to contribute toward anintegrated approach to social movement mobilization. Itdoes so through considering how a social psychologicalaccount of the determination of collective behavior (self-categorization theory) may be applied tothe mobilization rhetoric of social movements. Morespecifically it argues that as people may definethemselves and act in terms of social categy usefully conceive of social movement rhetoricas being organized so as to construct social categorydefinitions which allow the activists preferred courseof action to be taken on by others. Our theoretical argument is illustrated throughthe detailed analysis of category construction incontemporary U.K. anti-abortion argumentation.     

Social Movement Rhetoric and the Social Psychology of Collective Action: A Case Study of Anti-Abortion Mobilization

This paper seeks to contribute toward anintegrated approach to social movement mobilization. Itdoes so through considering how a social psychologicalaccount of the determination of collective behavior (selfcategorization theory) may be applied tothe mobilization rhetoric of social movements. Morespecifically it argues that as people may definethemselves and act in terms of social categories, we may usefully conceive of social movement rhetoricas being organized so as to construct social categorydefinitions which allow the activists preferred courseof action to be taken on by others as their own. Our theoretical argument is illustrated throughthe detailed analysis of category construction incontemporary U.K. anti-abortion argumentation.     

Voting is Social Work: Voices From the National Social Work Voter Mobilization Campaign

ABSTRACT

The National Social Work Voter Mobilization Campaign, also known as Voting is Social Work, involved social work faculty, field educators, practitioners, and students in a nonpartisan voter engagement drive. Following the 2018 elections, researchers surveyed Campaign participants in social work schools and agencies to document their voter engagement activities.The study reported extent and amount of their involvement. The survey distinguished between the voter engagement participation of school- versus agency-based social workers, which has not been studied elsewhere. Participants also reported the benefits of political participation to individuals, communities, and the profession and perceived barriers such as organizational constraints, fears of appearing partisan, and distrust of politics. Presented in historical context, the findings highlight the need to mainstream voter engagement throughout social work education.     

Interdisciplinary Social Work and Law

Collaboration between social workers and lawyers has been of particular interest to schools of social work due to the increasing frequency with which social workers intervene with clients involved in the legal system. This article presents an educational model specifically designed to teach the interdisciplinary knowledge and skills necessary to work effectively with domestic violence. The model provides training in collaborative practice between social workers and lawyers while integrating domestic violence content with the relevant legal regulations and procedures and social work interventions. The article describes course content, teaching techniques, and student assessment, and discusses special challenges of interdisciplinary collaboration.     

Mobilization and Meaning: Toward an Integration of Social Psychological and Resource Perspectives on Social Movements*

This paper presents a model of the mobilization of people into movements that is compatible with a resource mobilization perspective on social movement organizations as the unit of analysis, but substitutes a cognitive social psychology based on attribution theory and the sociology of knowledge for the incentive model typically used in this perspective. We focus on the problem, neglected by resource mobilization theorists, of explaining the translation of objective social relationships into subjectively experienced, collectively defined grievances. On a macro level, our model gives independent causal weight to ideology without discounting the role that resources also play in defining group goals. On a social psychological level, we identify three distinct organizational strategies–conversion, coalition, and direct action–for mobilizing persons as participants and examine some cognitive and organizational consequences of each strategy. We conclude that incorporation of a more adequate social psychology of individual participation is not only compatible with the organizational focus and emphasis on rationality of the resource mobilization perspective, but can provide important insights into problems both social movement theorists and social movement organizers see as significant.     

Fundamental Justice Is the Issue: Extending Full Equality of the Law to Women and Children

The legal doctrines that are in place to protect women and children against male sexual aggression actually operate to minimize the use of the system for redress, and to reduce the impact of the process when it is used. Because the courts are the only means of legal recourse available to women and children who have been sexually assaulted, any failure by the courts to ensure just outcomes actually serves to reinforce male sexual violence. The solution requires that we stop confusing the social conditions under which this form of violence occurs with the criteria used by courts for treating a crime as “not serious.” The key players in the courts can act as powerful forces for instrumental change.     

Fundamental Justice Is the Issue: Extending Full Equality of the Law to Women and Children

The legal doctrines that are in place to protect women and children against male sexual aggression actually operate to minimize the use of the system for redress, and to reduce the impact of the process when it is used. Because the courts are the only means of legal recourse available to women and children who have been sexually assaulted, any failure by the courts to ensure just outcomes actually serves to reinforce male sexual violence. The solution requires that we stop confusing the social conditions under which this form of violence occurs with the criteria used by courts for treating a crime as not serious. The key players in the courts can act as powerful forces for instrumental change.     

Equality and Inequality in Modern Society, or Social Stratification Revisited

This paper attempts both to "bring up to date" the author's conception of social stratification as set forth in two previous general papers written in 1940 and 1953, and to broaden the field of consideration by giving special attention to the forces pressing toward equality in various respects, as well as the bases of inequality. The position taken is that the erosion of the legitimacy of the traditional bases of inequality has brought to a new level of prominence value-commitment to an essential equality of status of all members of modern societal communities.
Inequalities, among units of societal structure which are essential in such fields as economic productivity, authority and power, and culturally based competence, must be justified in terms of their contribution to societal functioning. The balancing of the respects in which all members of the societal community and many of its collective subunits must be held to be equal with the imperatives of inequality constitutes one of the primary foci of the problem of integration in modern society. A few suggestions about the mechanisms by which this integrative process can operate are presented.     

城市青年志愿活动参与动机研究

综合国际上对志愿者参与动机研究与我国本土经验研究,有利于深入分析城市青年参与志愿活动原因与动机。目前,青年参与志愿服务活动动机呈多元化特征：青年参与志愿者服务活动体现出较明显的政府动员特征,而宗教价值驱动不明显;青年参与志愿服务活动时,更多是基于一种社会公益的奉献精神与互助精神,在参与活动过程中也获得社会资本的积累。     

Making a Difference: Sebastião Salgado and the Social Life of Mobilization

This article is part of a panel discussion addressing the sociological relevance of Sebastião Salgado’s work as well as documentary photography in general. ²     

Migrant Mobilization for Homeland Politics: A Social Movement Approach

From the campaign of Chilean exiles all over the world to overthrow the regime of Augusto Pinochet in the 1970s to the contemporary mobilization of the Kurdish diaspora in Western Europe, various cases demonstrate the persistence of homeland ties among migrants, especially those who experienced repression and displacement by the government in their countries of origin. Diverse frameworks and concepts in both the humanities and the social sciences have been deployed to explain the involvement of migrants in politics in their home countries, from “long‐distance nationalism” to “transnational activism.” Each points to different dynamic processes and causal mechanisms. In recent years, scholars have advocated the use of a social movement framework in the analysis of migrant mobilization, despite the marginalization of such studies in theory development. In this article, I examine the concepts put forward by the political process model (PPM) as they apply to the analysis of migrants' involvement in politics in their native land. I propose ways for PPM to be useful in the explanation of the dynamics and processes of homeland‐oriented migrant mobilization.     

Risk and Recruitment: Patterns of Social Movement Mobilization in a Government Town

Abstract

Based on document analysis and in-depth interviews with 80 respondents, this paper examines the importance of risks associated with activism in shaping recruitment and participation patterns in a government town. Residents have a history of involvement in civil rights activism, peace activities, and environmental organizing outside their community. However, citizens have not mobilized around local environmental problems despite a 50-year legacy of contamination from nuclear weapons production. I examine two organizing efforts in the community and analyze how residents' perceptions of risk associated with activism contributed to the relative success and failure of each. I argue that risk is an important variable that is critical to our understanding of social movement recruitment and participation patterns.     

Ideological Language and Social Movement Mobilization: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Segregationists' Ideologies

The current "cultural turn" in the study of social movements has produced a number of concepts formulating the cultural–symbolic dimension of collective actions. This proliferation, however, has resulted in some confusion about which cultural–symbolic concept is best applied to understanding cultural processes involved in social movements. We articulate a new definition of ideology that makes it an empirically useful concept to the study of social–movement mobilization. It is also formulated as autonomous of concepts such as culture and hegemony and of other cultural–symbolic concepts presently used in the movement literature to explain participant mobilization. We demonstrate the usefulness of our ideology concept by analyzing letters written to Martin Luther King, Jr. from segregationists opposed to the integration of American society. The analysis indicates that the letter writers particularized segregationist culture, creating ideologies that fit their structural, cultural, and immediate circumstances, and that the ideologies they constructed thereby acted to mobilize their countermovement participation. The particularizing resulted in four differentiated ideological versions of segregationist culture. The empirically acquired variety of ideological versions is inconsistent with the role attributed to cultural–symbolic concepts in the social–movement literature and requires theoretical clarification. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications for social–movement theory of the variety of segregationist ideologies.