American Indian Ethnic Identity: Tribal Nonresponse in the 1990 Census*

Objectives. About 11 percent of American Indians did not report their tribal affiliation on the 1990 U.S. Census form. I use several theoretical perspectives as tools to explore the reasons behind this surprising omission. Method. Logistic regression analysis is the method employed. Results. American Indians living with someone who speaks an American Indian language are very likely to report a tribal affiliation, as are those living in “Indian states” (states with historically high numbers of American Indians). Those who are least likely to report a tribal affiliation are Hispanic women with low education who report no American Indian ancestry, do not live with other American Indians, and live in a metropolitan area of a “non‐Indian state.” Conclusions. Lack of knowledge of family history appears to be one of the primary causes of tribal nonresponse. Salience of tribal identity also affects responses.     

Grandparents Responsible for Grandchildren in Native‐American Families*

Objectives. The primary goal of this article is to examine factors associated with grandparent care giving within the American Indian/Alaska Native (AIAN) population. Methods. Data from the 2000 Census of Population, 5% Public Use Microdata Sample, are used to evaluate a multivariate logistic regression model focusing on living with and caring for grandchildren. Particular emphasis is placed on characteristics that may reflect culturally‐based ideas about grandparents' responsibility for the care of their grandchildren. Results. Indicators related to Native‐American identity—specifically, reporting race as AIAN only rather than mixed race, reporting tribal membership, and living in a nonmetropolitan area of an “Indian” state—increase the likelihood of being responsible for a grandchild among Native‐American singles and couples aged 45 and over. Conclusions. Cultural and resource characteristics combine to produce high levels of grandparent care giving within the AIAN population. Inasmuch as those with lower educational and economic resources are especially likely to have responsibility for a grandchild, special attention should be directed toward ensuring adequate support for these caregivers.     

佛寺与家庙:滇西土官仪式的重构

明代中央王朝以违背伦理与礼仪原则为由废除西南土官。正统年间,革除鹤庆土官,改派流官。官员将佛寺改建为庙学,打击活佛信仰,士人也莫不以毁淫祀、诫僭越之名倡议正统祀典。此时,邻近土官开始谨慎处理身份与仪式的政治问题,并在经学传统中寻找身份、仪式的合法性基础。本文以云南丽江府与蒙化府的两位土官为主要研究对象,讨论他们如何以古代诸侯的身份,致力于建置相应的仪式和祠宇,如：（1）修建家寺、宦祠乃至勋祠与报功祠等;（2）将神话转为符合仪式正统的山川祭祀,成为土官领地的守护神;（3）建立宦谱,以文字书写的方式将氏族神话、传说系谱纳入正统历史叙事,并强化边境土官世系的优越性。通过分析在这一过程中土官的一系列作为,本文探究了土官在维护地方声望与地方利益时所采取的文化策略。     

The role of bears and bear ceremonialism in Navajo Orthodox traditional lifeway

The Navajos, who now number over 200,000 in population, are the largest, and one of the most culturally intact Indian tribes in North America. Reigning over a reservation of some 25,000 square miles in size, the Navajos, like many other tribal people have long respected and honored bears as being fellow “being” with whom they share the land. Because of the bears power, intelligence, acute senses, and physical features which closely resemble that of a human, they have also played a major role in Navajo tribal legends and ceremonialism. The purpose of this article is to briefly examine the place of bears and bear ceremonialism within the structure of traditional Navajo beliefs and religious practices.     

TWO WAVES OF CROATIAN MIGRANTS IN WESTERN AUSTRALIA: CLASS AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

This paper examines the ways in which two waves of Croatian migrants in Western Australia have constructed their ethnic/national identity following migration. These two waves – the first took place during the 1960s and the early 1970s and the second in the late 1980s/early 1990s – are considerably different in terms of their socio-economic background. The earlier wave came from rural areas of Croatia and can be described as typically working class, while the recent wave came from the cities and predominantly consists of professional people. Migrants from the 1960s wave express a strong identification with their place (village, town, island) of origin and form a rather close-knit ethnic ‘community of place’. There is a strong link between territory, ethnicity and identity in this group of migrants. Recent developments in Croatia (the war for independence) have helped to ‘enlarge’ this local-ethnic focus into an ‘imagined’ national identity. Ethno-national belonging and identification is not emphasised in the recent group of Croatian migrants. Their ‘Croatianness’ is secondary in the re-construction of their identity following migration. It is their professional identification that seems to be central in this process. They consider the Croatian ‘ethnic community’ to be irrelevant to their life in Australia and seek to integrate into the broader Australian community primarily through their professional work.     

The impact of Indian gaming on crime in New Mexico: A research note

The complexity of the relationship between gambling and crime make empirical establishment of a relationship between the two difficult. Focusing on one state, we examine the impact of Indian gaming on crime in New Mexico. Specific crime rates in New Mexico counties with tribal gaming are discussed. Comparisons of the rates of specific crimes are made between New Mexico counties with tribal gaming and those without.     

Citizen‐agency versus state‐agency at the frontline in prisons and probation services: A systematic literature review

Street‐level bureaucrats play a key role in the delivery of public services to the citizens with whom they interact. Using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta‐Analyses approach, we rely on a street‐level perspective to report a systematic review of 46 studies about officer–offender interactions in prisons and probation services. In doing so, we examine how correctional officers articulate state‐agency – whereby they focus on the implementation of rules and policies – and citizen‐agency – whereby their decisions regarding offenders are based on judgements of offenders' worth. Our results provide evidence that frontline work in prisons and probation services stems from a mix of citizen‐ and state‐agencies in which the former is prioritized over the latter: when rule enforcement allows it, correctional officers often make discretionary decisions based on professional judgements rooted in professional norms. In this respect, the managerial and actuarial approach to risk management and public protection involved by contemporary correctional reforms comes with new role expectations that conflict with correctional officers' rehabilitative ideals. At the same time, the literature provides many instances of officers coping with workload in order to meet policy objectives and organizational demands while maintaining satisfactory working conditions. In other words, there is an increasingly elaborate and fragile articulation of state‐ and citizen‐agencies at the frontline, in prisons and probations services. We conclude with some implications and an agenda for future research.     

The Politics of Welfare State Retrenchment: A Literature Review

Welfare state retrenchment is widely seen as a highly unpopular endeavour and, therefore, as politically difficult to pursue. This assumption has underpinned most of the political science research on this issue, notably Paul Pierson's seminal contributions about the ‘new politics of the welfare state’. Yet, the question remains why and under what circumstances cutbacks take place in highly developed welfare states despite these formidable political obstacles. This article reviews the literature on the politics of retrenchment, namely on the impact of socio‐economic problem pressure, political parties, political institutions, welfare state structures and ideas. Most authors agree that socio‐economic problems – particularly domestic problems – contribute to an atmosphere of ‘permanent austerity’ which inspires cutbacks. Moreover, according to most scholars, the extent of retrenchment possible depends on the specific institutional configuration of a political system and the path dependence of existing welfare state structures. The debate on the relevance of political parties and ideas, by contrast, is still far from settled. Further unresolved issues include the nature of the dependent variable in retrenchment studies. Also, the exact motives for cutbacks are theoretically still little understood, as are the political mechanisms through which they are realized. I argue that, because of the nature of these persisting issues, the pluralistic dialogue between different methods and approaches – as well as their combination – remains the most promising way forward in the study of welfare state politics.     

Promoting a feminist policy agenda: indigenous women leaders and closet feminism

In the Southwestern United States, Hispanas and American Indian women are increasingly adopting policymaking roles in state, local, and tribal politics. This study examines the influence of gender and ethnic identity on the policy agendas of 30 women who hold public office in New Mexico. Although the findings reveal a distinct pattern of advocacy for a feminist agenda, the majority of these indigenous leaders do not identify themselves or their goals as feminist. This research indicates that women’s policy concerns transcend ethnic/race boundaries. Furthermore, to understand Hispanas’ and Indian women’s politics, and to effectively apply feminist theory to praxis, new models incorporating their practical application of feminism are needed.     

How U.S. research institutions are responding to the single Institutional Review Board mandate

One of the most significant changes to the Common Rule is the requirement that institutions use a single Institutional Review Board (IRB) for cooperative research in the United States, unless more than one IRB is required by state, local, or tribal law, or a signatory federal agency decides an exception is warranted. We surveyed Human Research Protection Program (HRPP) officials at the top U.S. research institutions to understand their knowledge and opinion of the mandate, what steps their institutions are taking, and difficulties their institutions are facing. One-hundred seven institutions (56.9%) responded to the survey. While support for the single-IRB mandate was positive overall, most respondents acknowledged that their institution is likely to face some difficulties complying with it. Regulatory agencies can help institutions to comply with the mandate by providing guidance concerning such issues as exceptions to the mandate, local context review, oversight, and implementation of reliance agreements, and development of policies, procedures, and best practices.     

Work and welfare‐state trajectories in Norway over two decades: Has the goal of getting more people into work been achieved?

In this study, we investigated the work and welfare‐state trajectories of three cohorts of middle‐aged Norwegian inhabitants over a period of two decades (1994–2014). The period of this study is particularly interesting because of an extensive welfare reform that was initiated in 2006 and completed in 2011. We addressed two questions: What were the most typical labour market and welfare‐state trajectories for middle‐aged people over the past two decades, and have they changed? Second, did the work and welfare‐state trajectories of a major target group of the NAV reform – adults with a high risk of health‐related exclusion – change during our observation period? Over the period, we witnessed a sharp drop in the number of people in stable employment. Furthermore, rather than solving the problem of permanent health‐related exclusion from the labour market, policy changes have created a new problem by steering people into temporary and less secure income sources from the welfare state.     

Autonomy,Choice and Control for Older Users of Home Care Services: Current Developments in Swedish Eldercare

In Sweden, a policy shift towards more individualized eldercare, with an emphasis on consumer choice, has taken place. The aim of this study was to analyze the processes and practices of individualized eldercare, focusing on preconditions for older peoples’ choice and control. Data consist of qualitative interviews with users of home care services (n – 12) and staff (n – 12) and participant observations (n – 7) of meetings between staff and older people. The choice and control available to older users emerged as decisions about ‘what’ care and services, ‘who’ should provide the care and services, and ‘how’ the care and services should be performed. Three approaches to enable older people choice and control over their home care services were revealed: test and revise, services elaborated in close collaboration between users, care managers and home care staff; choices in the moment, users could choose services at each occasion; and quality improvement through competition, competing providers develop attractive services. The findings could guide policy makers in combining the strengths of these approaches to enable older people in need of support to become co-producers in designing, managing, as well as consuming, care and services. Future quantitative research is needed to achieve generalizable knowledge about the strengths and weaknesses of different ways to organize eldercare services.     

The Middle‐class in the German Welfare State: Beneficial Involvement at Stake?

The working‐class is typically regarded as the driving force of welfare state development. Yet, some argue that the middle‐classes' beneficial involvement in the welfare state is crucial for its financial sustainability and popular legitimacy. Against this backdrop, we investigate how recent welfare state reforms in Germany which affect the status of the middle‐class are viewed and discussed by this group. Germany is a particularly interesting case because its welfare state is seen to be centred on the desires of the middle‐class, especially through its focus on status maintenance and horizontal redistribution over the life‐course. However, the move from status maintenance to minimum income support in unemployment provision and the strengthening of private old age provision challenge this assumption. Thus, we ask how the German middle‐class views the emerging abandonment of the principle of status maintenance and the shift from collective to individual responsibility. Based on qualitative material from focus groups, we find that individual responsibility is generally supported, but that the state is still assigned responsibility for providing basic levels of social security. Furthermore, for those groups seen as less capable of acting individually responsible (e.g. the poor or long‐term unemployed) the ‘inducement’ of – or assistance for – individually responsible behaviour by the state is demanded. Overall, while the principle of ‘individual responsibility’ seems to find some resonance among the middle‐class members interviewed, they still try to balance individual and collective responsibility.     

Indian gaming and Tribal Revenue Allocation Plans: Socio-economic determinants of policy adoption

As the Indian gaming industry has experienced unprecedented growth over the past two decades, tribes have pursued different paths regarding the utilization of gaming revenues within parameters established by the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. Since 1993, more than 100 tribes have received approval through the Department of the Interior to distribute revenues directly to tribal members through per capita payments governed by a Tribal Revenue Allocation Plan (RAP). This paper improves our understanding of nations with payment plans by exploring whether socio-economic tribal features are associated with the successful adoption of a RAP. We find that tribes who gained approval of a RAP in the 1990s have higher per capita incomes, while also having smaller populations and lower levels of educational attainment. Population is the strongest predictor of RAP adoptions in both the 1990s and 2000s, with the impact of other tribal features being less meaningful in explaining adoption in the second decade.     

Education, sex and leisure: ideology, discipline and the construction of race among South African servicemen during the Second World War

During the Second World War (1939-1945), South African military authorities employed various regimes to mould white South African soldiers as citizens of a particular type. These coincided broadly with traditions of racial statehood identified by David Goldberg, and included attempts at ideological control – through the liberal Army Education Scheme, a compulsory adult education project – as well as disciplinary interventions, which concentrated on soldiers' sexuality. The ways that ordinary soldiers responded to these divergent discourses reminds us that whiteness in a racial state was elaborated not just from above, but also below. This observation raises some cautionary points for the writing of 'post-social' history, and just as it demands that ordinary servicemen's actions, experiences and ideologies need to be related to the state and other modes of power, it reaffirms Geoff Eley's appeal for a 'new history of society'.Lines of investigation that explore attempts to educate, discipline and control white soldiers begin to challenge some of the conventional periodizations of SA history, particularly the notion that South Africa's 1940s represented an optimistic 'world of possibilities'.     

The Politics of (Fractured) Solidarity: A Cross‐National Analysis of the Class Bases of the Welfare State

This article considers the politics of social solidarity from a cross‐national perspective. In the analysis, we rely on four waves of international social survey data for our sample of Western nations, representative of different welfare state traditions. The time span is a 20‐year period and the total country‐wave sample comprises over 40,000 records. While there is popular support for governmental actions to protect citizens in old‐age and sickness, views about the social rights of unemployed citizens are shifting. High‐profile activating labour‐market reforms are reapportioning the burden of risk in society. With the rise of right‐wing populism in Europe and the USA, this article examines how interests change as citizens lose their stake in the means of security – revealing an ever more fragile and fractured social solidarity.     

Chechnya

The roots of the conflict between Moscow and Grozny lie in the history of Chechnya's relations with the Russian state. When Russia conquered Chechnya in the second half of the last century, the Chechens were, in terms of civilizational development, in a pretraditional stage characterized by the absence in practice of a stable state form capable of subordinating clan and tribal relationships to itself. The expansion of the Russian Empire was directed at regulating local conflicts among various clan and tribal groups and individual princes; however, this "civilizing mission" contained an incipient conflict between the center of the empire and these peoples. The Russian Empire's policy of annexation, implemented in a highly traditional country, predetermined the rise of conflict, manifested in the Caucasian war between Chechnya and Russia in the nineteenth century and the state of oppression that followed, in which Chechnya has now lived for more than a century and a half. Along with conflictual relations, a certain collaboration also developed and groups neutral to the conflict began to appear. This, in turn, stirred up conflict among the Chechens themselves.     

From Social Instrument to Migration Management Tool: Assisted Voluntary Return Programmes – The Case of Belgium

The return of migrants to their country of origin and the development of efficient return measures have become more prominent on the political agenda of many Western European countries. Since policymakers prefer ‘voluntary’ return, governmental programmes to support the return of migrants – Assisted Voluntary Return (AVR) programmes – were developed as far back as the 1970s and have played an increasingly important role in migration policy over the last three decades. At the same time, general migration policy and welfare systems have undergone profound change, including in the meanings and connotations attached to social welfare, return support and return policy. This raises questions about the implications of these broader societal and policy changes for the widely implemented AVR programmes. In this article, we discuss the interpretation and evolution of AVR programmes by analyzing how one particular European country, Belgium, has developed its AVR programme over time. We explore the evolution of the programme's content, target group and institutional positioning, which shed light on its changing goals and are closely linked to a broader shift towards a ‘managerial’ approach to migration policy and the welfare state. We argue that return support may become decontextualized when it adopts ‘conditional entitlement’ as a central principle. This leads to strong differentiation, based on personal responsibility, between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ migrants, the levelling down of the support given to returnees, and a more coercive voluntary return policy in which social support is linked to deportation.     

Latin America: a new developmental welfare state model in the making?1

Latin America is emerging from a century of transformation – from a traditional agrarian to an urban industrial economy – where countries have taken diverse historical paths. Some have almost completed this transformation, others are taking early steps, and most are living through it. State‐led transition has followed two successive development strategies. From the 1920s to the 1980s, state developmentalism, for the most part, successfully assumed the twin challenges of economic and social progress. In the final decades of the century, Latin American states adopted the policies of the Washington consensus, which emphasized the importance of business in the framework of globalization, benefiting the affluent few. However, an unambiguous shift in direction has been taking place in Latin America since the 1997 economic crisis. This article suggests that a new developmental welfare state model is in the making. How will it evolve over the wider space of an increasingly integrated Latin America?