Controversy and Ideological Hegemony in Sociological Theory*

Sociological theory has been characterized by the recurrence of several controversies since its inception. The relationship between the individual and society represents one of these. Cooley's notion of the individual and society being twin-born has been labeled one of the major breakthroughs in this controversy. According to Tiryakian, Cooley's work signaled the end of that controversy, but still it reappears. Drawing heavily from Mannheim, Berger and Pullberg, and Therborn, we examine the recurrence of the individual versus society controversy. Sociology, we contend, occupies an alienated position within capitalist society where positivist epistemology serves as an ideological veil, concealing the existence of ontological presuppositions, distorting social reality, and preventing any meaningful attempt to understand the development of sociology, or the recurrence of the individual-society controversy. As an ideological veil, positivism contributes to the recurring bifurcation of social reality. The dominance of positivism within sociology, moreover, gives it a hegemonic status, further negating any recognition that the individual and society are interdependent.     

Hegemony,Ideology and Contradictory Consciousness*

The critical phenomena for this paper are the variations in the degree of integration of ideas within mass publics. The theory of ideological hegemony provides a valuable sociological framework from which to study them. Current interpretations indicate that the political cultures of modern democracies consist of two major ideologies: a ruling ideology which is a coherent system of thought, and a subordinate ideology which exhibits contradictory consciousness. Evidence on the integration of ideas was obtained from a re-analysis of a survey of the British electorate.     

Pierre Bourdieu's Masculine Domination: A Critique*

Les auteurs montrent que la tentative de Pierre Bourdieu de résoudre le problème de la « domination masculine» est limitée par l'application inconséquente de son propre répertoire conceptuel, par l'emploi d'exemples empiriques périmés et par l'utilité douteuse du cas des relations sociales en Kabylie. Un rejet des catégories fondamentales (« homme », « femme ») et le recours à une conception plus nuancée de la domination seraient une approche plus prometteuse. An uneven application of his own conceptual repertoire, outdated empirical materials and the questionable utility of the example of relations in Kabylia limit Bourdieu's attempts to come to grips with “masculine domination.” A more useful approach would move beyond essentializing categories and engage with a more nuanced conception of domination.     

Class exploitation in Canada*

Onze évaluations du taux de plus value de Marx ou de l'exploitation de classe sont présentées aux industries manufacturiàres canadiennes, pour les années allant de 1917 à 1971. Les analyses suggèrent que I'exploitation de classe a augmenté d'une façon dramatique au Canada, surtout depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale. Il est aussi expliqué que I'exploitation de classe et les conflits de classe qui en résultent sont largement démontrés par les grèves et les mises a pied. L'exploitation de classe peut expliquer jusqu'à 56 pour cent du désaccord dans les conflits de classe. On y conclut que l'approche marxiste pour l'analyse de classe offre beaucoup de possibilités quant à l'étude des inágalités sociales. Eleven alternative estimates of Marx's rate of surplus value or class exploitation are presented for the manufacturing industries of Canada between 1917 and 1971. The analyses suggest that class exploitation in Canada has dramatically increased over time, especially since the Second World War. It is also shown that class exploitation generally has a positive effect on overt class conflict measured by strikes and lockouts. Class exploitation explains up to 56 per cent of the variance in overt class conflict. It is concluded that a Marxian approach to class analysis has much potency in the study of social inequality.     

Minority Group Status and Self-evaluated Class*

Self-evaluated class status is shown to vary among white Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and black Protestants. Holding economic status constant, Jews are most likely to select the middle- (or upper-) class label, followed by white Protestants, white Catholics, and black Protestants. Thus, the independent effect of minority status on self-evaluated class status reinforces the ranking directly attributable to the economic levels of each of the four groups. Also, the congruence between self-identified class and objective economic status is closer among Jews and white Protestants than among white Catholics or black Protestants. The hypothesis that affiliation with a minority necessarily reduces class consciousness was, therefore, not supported.     

Class, work, and politics*

Le texte explore la relation entre la classes sociale et l'idéologie politique en utilisant les résultats d'un sondage-échantillon effectué parmi environ 1800 Canadiens au travail. En se basant sur les catégories de classe de Marx et les développements théoriques de Carchedi, l'auteur fait ressortir des différences modérées entre les classes pour ce qui a trait à l'appui du mouvement ouvrier, les dépenses encourues pour le bien-être social et pour une nouvelle répartition des revenus. Une analyse de régression démontre qu'une attitude plus gauchiste dans la classe ourvière reflète certains aspects des conditions de travail. En effet, la situation au travail joue un rôle considérable dans l'attitude politique, endehors des différences associées à la classe sociale. Par contre, la famille et l'instruction ne se révèlent pas comme étant des facteurs importants pour expliquer la relation entre la classe et l'idéologie politique.
The paper explores the relation between social class and political ideology using data from a simple survey of approximately 1800 Canadians with jobs. Using Marxist class categories, following theoretical developments by Carchedi, moderate class differences are found to support the labour movement, social welfare expenditures, and redistribution of income. A regression analysis shows that the more left-wing position of the working class reflects a number of aspects of working conditions. Indeed, aspects of the work situation have a considerable impact on political attitudes beyond those differences associated     

Class,conformity and political powerlessness*

Ce document clarifie le lien entre deux traditions indépendents de recherche sociale: 1/ les recherches de Kohn traitant des expériences du travail comme L'origine des différences de conformitè extérieure entre les classes sociales; et 2/ la documentation considérable qui démontre la relation négative entre les classes sociales et L'impuissance politique subjective. Les données d'un échantillon de London, Ontario confirment cette dernière relation et montrent que deux éléments expliquent cette relation: L'éducation et le contrôle du travail. On discute ensuite L'importance de ces résultats pour L'extension de la thèse de Kohn sur les classes sociales et la conformité. This paper makes explicit the link between two independent bodies of social research: 1/ Kohn's work on occupational experiences as the root cause of social class differences in external conformity; and 2/ the extensive literature demonstrating the negative relationship between social class and subjective political powerlessness. Findings from a London, Ontario sample confirm the latter relationship and show that two occupation-related factors - level of educational training and level of control in the workplace - account for this relationship. The significance of these results for extending Kohn's class and conformity thesis are discussed.     

A Study of Class Consciousness*

A partir d'un échantillon aléatoire de la population de London, Ontario, nous examinons l'étendue de la conscience de classe et la relation de cet état d'esprit avec les variables religion, ethnicité et classe sociale. Le degré de conscience de classe ouvrière observe est plus prononcé qu'on le dit habituellement dans le cas du Canada. Des analyses à deux et à plusieurs variables révèlent que la classe sociale a un effet plus prononcé sur la conscience de classe que la religion et I'ethnicité. Les travailleurs manuels sont beaucoup plus portés que les employés non-manuels à exprimer des attitudes sociopolitiques révélant une conscience de classe ouvrière; c'est au niveau des cadres de grandes entreprises que l'on rencontre le plus la conscience l'appartenir à la classe moyenne. Among a randomly drawn sample of London, Ontario, residents we examined the prevalence of class consciousness and the relationship of this state of mind to religious, ethnic, and class variables. The degree of working-class consciousness expressed by the sample was greater than that usually alleged to exist in Canada. Bivariate and multivariate analyses revealed that social class had a far stronger impact on class consciousness than had religious and ethnic factors. Manual workers to a far greater extent than non-manual employees expressed sociopolitical attitudes indicative of working-class consciousness; the greatest amount of middle-class consciousness was found among upper-echelon personnel of large organizations.     

Class Consciousness and Political Attitudes among Athenians*

Using data collected in Athens, Greece in the spring of 1977, an effort was made to test the relationship between several objective socioeconomic indicators and subjective class perceptions and political attitudes. Our main concern was the effect of subjective class awareness and consciousness on selected political issues (pro-Western foreign policy, civil liberties, and economic conservatism) and voting. Our findings show that class and socioeconomic variables tend to be stronger predictors of socio-political attitudes than are status indicators. In addition, subjective perceptions of class (particularly capitalist political influence and limited societal opportunity), father's politics, and age are major explanatory variables for political attitudes and the way people perceive national and international issues. Perception that the upper class benefits most from clientelism was related to voting and economic conservatism. Working-class consciousness was important in explaining voting in 1977. Our research strategy suggests that for the future we should broaden the study of class consciousness and awareness by viewing it as multidimensional and including measurements based on both closed- and open-ended questions.     

Sociological Research and the American Working Class*

Postwar literature reveals that sociologists disagree on the composition of the working class and neglect to specify relationships among its manual, clerical, and service workers. Contrary to Marxist thought, evidence on the deskilling of working-class occupations is inconclusive. Marxist and non-Marxists agree that management has not succeeded in dictating the control of work. The literature foils to locate connections between technology, work alienation, job dissatisfaction, and the societal alienation of workers. Weakest theory and research deal with the political mobilization of the working class, which is hampered by its internal stratification and cleavages. Paradoxically, labor unions are more effective in promoting consumer interests than those of their members or other workers.     

Class contradictions in Canada's international setting*

Un modèle théorique de quatre contradictions de classe est proposé pour le Canada considéré dans le contexte de ses relations avec les Etats-Unis et certains “tiers pays.” Ces contradictions s'appellent l'exploitation de la classe industrielle, l'oppression de la classe de distribution, l'oppression de la classe de consommateurs et l'oppression de la classe financière. L'exploitation de la classe industrielle trouve son origine dans la théorie de Karl Marx d'exploitation d'une classe par une autre; l'oppression de la classe financière et des classes de distribution et de consommateurs peut être considéréé comme en étant directement ou indirectement dépendante de l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. L'exploitation de la classe industrielle se trouve située à l'intérieur de la sphère de production canadienne, dans laquelle les investissements américains au Canada représentent une part considérable tandis que l'oppression des classes financière, de distribution et de consommation se trouve située dans la sphère de la distribution, qui tend àêtre plus nationalement contrôlée par la classe capitaliste canadienne. Par conséquent, la dépendance du Canada envers les Etats-Unis se trouve expliquée par la dépendance de l'oppression des classes financière, de consommation et de distribution par rapport à l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. Etant donné que les investissements étrangers dans les tiers pays provenant du Canada reflètent la division à l'intérieur du Canada entre production et distribution par nationalité, la domination relative du Canada dans les tiers pays s'explique par la dépendance de l'oppression des classes financière, de distribution et de consommation dans ces pays par des capitalistes canadiens du pays même à la dépendance de classe du Canada par rapport aux Etats-Unis par le biais de l'exploitation de la classe industrielle. Quelques conclusions ont pu en être tirées pour une théorie des transformations structurelles aux échelons national et international. A theoretical model of four class contradictions is proposed for Canada considered in the context of its relations with the United States and “third countries.”¹ These contradictions are industrial class exploitation, circulation class oppression, consumer class oppression, and financial class oppression. Industrial class exploitation is rooted in Karl Marx's theory of class exploitation, and circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression are viewed as directly or indirectly dependent on industrial class exploitation. Industrial class exploitation is located within the sphere of Canadian production which is largely supported by us investment, while circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression are located within the sphere of circulation more of which tends to be indigenously controlled by the Canadian capitalist class. Therefore, the dependence of Canada on the United States is traced to the dependence of circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression on industrial class exploitation. Since foreign investments in third countries originating from Canada reflect the internal Canadian division between production and circulation by nationality, Canada's relative dominance in third countries is traced to the dependence of circulation, consumer, and financial class oppression in these countries by indigenous Canadian capitalists on Canada's class dependence on the United States through industrial class exploitation. Some implications are drawn for a theory of structural transformations at the national and international levels.     

Class fortification against crime in Canada*

Cette communication traite d'une étude dans laquelle l'auteur met à l'épreuve une théorie relative à la protection contre le crime en fonction de la classe sociale. La théorie explique, sur les plans conceptuel et opérationnel, comment les intérêts de classe et les phébnomènes qui les menacent conduisent à une société qui ‘se fortifie’ contre le crime. L'auteur démontre que les membres des classes aisées poursuivent leurs intérêts en adoptant des styles de vie et en se livrant â des activités qui accroissent les risques qu'elles puissent être la cible d'un acte criminel. Le sentiment d'insécurité accru qui en découle les amène à vouloir protéger leurs foyers et leurs failles. L'hypothèse est testée à l'aide des réponses d'un échantillon national de plus de 6000 chefs de ménage canadiens. L'analyse des réponses révèe l'existence d'une classe d'employeurs bien nantis et particulièrement actifs qui vivent dans des maisons fortifiées contre un monde extérieur menaçant. This paper proposes and tests a theory of class fortification against crime. The theory conceptually and operationally articulates the ways in which class interests and threats lead to a society that is fortified against crime, by demonstrating that persons who occupy higher class positions pursue their interests through lifestyles and activities that place them at greater risk of victimization, thus increasing their sense of concern or threat and leading to household fortification. The theory is tested with the responses of over 6000 heads of households in a national sample of Canadians. The findings identify an employer class that is especially active and affluent, and whose homes are fortified havens against a threatening world.     

Social Class and Delinquency: One More Time*

The diversity of findings on the class-delinquency relationship may reflect differential middle-class cultural dominance in school systems. In predominantly middle-class schools, the minority of working-class youth conform to the majority standards and the relationship does not hold. In more class heterogeneous schools a cross-class cultural diffusion occurs among youth such that objective class status no longer is predictive of delinquency. In predominantly working-class schools a negative class-delinquency relationship is found; in such a milieu, those youth who are committed to conventional middle-class culture only can have acquired such commitments from their middle-class parents. The self-report studies of class and delinquency are reviewed in the light of these hypotheses.     

Elite and Upper Class in Philadelphia, 1914*

This study examines the relationship between the Philadelphia elite and upper class in 1914. Much of this study is a historical replication of Baltzell's (1958) empirical analysis of the Philadelphia elite and upper class in 1940. Data on the occupations, educational attainments and affiliations, club memberships, and religious affiliations of upper-class and non-upper-class members of the Philadelphia elite in 1914 generally are comparable to those presented by Baltzell for 1940. These and other data suggest that a caste-like, socially exclusive, upper class had emerged in Philadelphia by approximately 1914.     

Class Structure and Intergenerational Mobility from a Marxian Perspective*

Four mobility and attainment propositions are extracted from a theoretical discussion relating class mobility and attainment processes to the development of capitalism. These propositions are evaluated empirically using United States Labor Statistics, General Social Survey data, and primary data collected from a SMSA. The first proposition maintains that paralleling the development of capitalism will be a structural decrease in the relative size of the capital-owning classes resulting in mobility. In the second proposition, it is asserted that with the development of capitalism, the likelihood of downward mobility will be significantly greater than the probability of upward mobility. The third proposition stated that in advanced capitalist societies, circulation class mobility will be substantially constrained by structural change. Lastly, it is proposed that in advanced capitalist societies, attained class positions will depend significantly on an unmediated (by educational attainment) origin class effect. Empirical support is uncovered for all propositions.