Kinship Care Providers: Designing an Array of Supportive Services

Kinship care, the placement of children with their relatives, has become an integral part of the child welfare system in the United States. It is also becoming a more established way of meeting the needs of children in care in other western countries (Greeff, 1999). However, kinship care did not emerge as a child welfare issue until the late 1980s, and only recently has it become a part of the formalized system for out-of-home care (Hegar & Scannapieco, 1995). Since that time, many states have come to rely more heavily on placements with relatives to meet the needs of children removed from parental custody. For example, California has placed approximately 51% of the foster care population in kinship care, while Illinois has placed 55% (GAO, 1999).Discussion about the reasons for the increases in kinship care has been widespread (Brooks & Barth, 1998; Gleeson, 1999; Harvey, 1999; Hegar & Scannapieco, 2000). Regardless of the impetus behind the increased use of kinship care, states must now incorporate kinship foster care into the traditional foster care system in order to qualify them for federal funding (O'Laughlin, 1998). The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 amended federal law to require that states give priority to relatives when deciding with whom to place children who are in the foster care system (GAO, 1999).The apparent paradigm shift from traditional foster parents to kinship care parents (Hegar, 1999) requires that agencies use both different approaches to assessment (Scannapieco & Hegar, 1996) and provide different types of intervention and services. Adapting placement services to the needs of kinship care providers is the focus of this article.     

Social networks, informal child care, and inadequate supervision by mothers

The purpose of this study is to determine whether less informal child care support from family and friends is related to supervisory neglect and, if there is a relationship, to test several explanations for why some mothers receive less child care. Thirty-two low-income mothers who did not adequately supervise their children were matched to 32 mothers who provided adequate supervision. The results showed the mothers who provided inadequate supervision received less child care support from their partners and relatives, but not their friends. These differences appear to be linked to several properties of the mothers' social networks. For example, the majority of the mothers who provided inadequate supervision either did not have a partner or knew them for less than one year. They had fewer family members living nearby and more negative relationships with them than the mothers who provided adequate supervision. To reduce chronic supervisory neglect, mothers may need assistance with both informal and formal child care support.     

Relatives as Child Care Givers: After Hours Support for Nontraditional Workers

This study uses a sample of 1,841 families from the National Child Care Survey (1990) and accompanying Low-Income Supplement (1990) to determine the amount and timing of child care services offered by relatives to working families with young children. Results indicate that relative care is primarily provided by grandparents. Compared to other parents, single parents and those working nontraditional hours are significantly more likely to use relatives for child care, and their children spend significantly longer periods of time in relative care, especially at nontraditional times of the day. The study conclusion is that relatives are facilitating parental employment by providing child care at times of the day when other market alternatives usually are not available.     

Paying Kin for Care

The idea of giving compensation to family members who care for health-impaired elderly relatives is viewed with ambivalence by policymakers. If pay were given to such caretakers, the relationship between state-level community care programs and families could change. This paper reports on a survey of home care agency administrators in Illinois, a state that contracts with agencies to provide direct services to elderly persons. Agency administrators were asked to react to the potential impact on their agencies of the state allowing or encouraging the hiring of relatives as caretakers. Most administrators tended to view paid family members as different and more difficult to train and supervise than other workers. Possible explanations for this negative view are explored, including the fundamental difference between the goals of family and agency care and the impact of efficiency as an organizing principle of long-term care.     

Needs and preferences for employer supported child care: A feasibility study

Employees of a large suburban health care center were asked to identify their needs and preferences for child care, and existing fringe benefits that they would be willing to give up in order to obtain employer supported child care services. Results indicate that a majority of the 41 employees in the sample with children under 12 years of age experience problems relating to child care and that those problems affect their work performance. There is no clear preference for type of child care, however, and employees are unwilling to give up existing fringe benefits to obtain child care services. Results are discussed with implications for provision of employer supported child care that is sensitive to the individual needs of employees.Terese Dressel is a clinician/consultant with the DuPage County Health Department, 111 North County Farm Road, Wheaton, Illinois 61087. The research reported was conducted as part of her Masters thesis in the Department of Human and Family Resources, Northern Illinois University.Michael Martin is an Associate Professor in the Department of Human and Family Resources, Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, Illinois 60115. Research interests include child maltreatment and family violence.     

Taking Pressure Off Families: Child‐Care Subsidies Lessen Mothers’ Work‐Hour Problems

We use the Philadelphia Survey of Child Care and Work to model the effect of child‐care subsidies and other ecological demands and resources on the work hour, shift, and overtime problems of 191 low‐income urban mothers. Comparing subsidy applicants who do and do not receive cash payments for child care, we find that mothers who receive subsidies are 21% less likely to experience at least one work hour–related problem on the job. Our results suggest that child‐care subsidies do more than allow women to enter the labor force. Subsidies help make it easier for mothers in low‐wage labor both to comply with employer demands for additional work hours and to earn the needed wages that accompany them.     

Depression and Parenting by Nonoffending Mothers of Children Who Experienced Sexual Abuse

Parenting may be one mechanism by which depression in nonoffending mothers impacts child emotional and behavioral adjustment after sexual abuse. This study examined the relationship between self-reported maternal depression and parenting behaviors by nonoffending mothers of children who experienced sexual abuse. The participants were 204 nonoffending biological mother–child pairs recruited from a clinic providing services for children who experienced sexual abuse. The mothers completed pretreatment self-report measures of demographic information, depression, and parenting behaviors. Children (7 to 17 years) completed a measure of mothers’ parenting behaviors. Mothers with clinically high levels of self-reported depression employed more inconsistent parenting behavior and provided poorer monitoring/supervision of their children than mothers without clinically high levels of self-reported depression. Implications for clinical practice and future research are discussed.     

Who Helps Single Mothers in Nairobi? The Role of Kin Support

Single mothers often turn to their extended kin for financial assistance and to help with child care. Such support may be especially important in areas of high poverty and poor environmental conditions. Using novel kinship data, this article assesses the extent of support given by more than 3,000 relatives to 462 single mothers living in a slum area of Nairobi, Kenya. Contrary to stereotypes about families in sub‐Saharan Africa, the active kin network of single mothers is relatively small, and nearly a fifth of mothers do not receive any financial or child‐care assistance. Different types of kin offer different kinds of support according to culturally proscribed roles. However, support also depends heavily on kin's employment status, geographic proximity, and age. These findings offer a nuanced picture of how single women living in slum areas draw on their kin network to cope with their daily demands as mothers.     

Time Use of Employed Mothers in Korea: A Cross-Cultural Comparison

This study examines the time use patterns of full-time employed Korean mothers who did not use outside household help. To gain insight into the potential work overload of employed mothers, their time use patterns were compared with those of unemployed mothers and of employed mothers in Japan and the United States. Results show that employed mothers in Korea allocate considerably less time to physiological and social and recreational activities than nonemployed Korean mothers. Employed mothers in Korea spend considerably larger amounts of time in work activities and significantly less time in physiological activities than their counterparts in Japan and the United States.     

Gendered Expectations? Reconsidering Single Fathers’ Child‐Care Time

We take a fresh look at an important question in the sociology of gender and family: Do single fathers “mother”? We add to the theoretical debate by proposing that single fathers face competing interactional pressures, to simultaneously act like mothers and men. Using nationally representative data from the American Time Use Survey 2003 – 2006 (N = 16,654), we compare the time single fathers spend on child care to other parent types, paying special attention to differences in employment profiles, household composition, and care arrangements. Accounting for these differences, single fathers spend slightly less time caring for children than do mothers, but more time than married fathers. Interesting differences emerge, however, depending upon the age of the youngest child in the household.     

Variations in Child Care by Grandparents During the First Three Years

Routine child care by grandparents was examined for 1,229 children who were participants in the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Study of Early Child Care. Four groups were identified: extended full‐time care, extended part‐time care, sporadic care, and no routine care during the first three years. The odds of sporadic child care by grandparents were higher when mothers were relatively young and worked nonstandard hours. The odds of extended full‐time grandparent care versus extended part‐time grandparent care were higher for mothers of color and mothers with more extensive full‐time employment. All types of grandparent care were more likely when a grandparent lived in the household. These findings suggest that grandparent care is heterogeneous and may occur in response to different family circumstances.     

Child care assistance and nonstandard work schedules

Child care is a necessary work support for many American families, but can be prohibitively expensive for those with low incomes. The federal government provides assistance through direct child care subsidies, but only a fraction of eligible families are in receipt. One factor that may limit access to child care assistance is work schedule. Research suggests that mothers with nonstandard work schedules use relative care more and day care centers less than those with standard work schedules. Research also shows that child care subsidies are disproportionately used for day care centers. This suggests that mothers who work nonstandard schedules may be less likely to receive child care assistance, but little empirical work addresses this question directly. Using data from a cohort of urban, unmarried mothers, this study explores the direct and indirect relationship between work schedule and receipt of child care assistance. The findings suggest that nonstandard work schedules reduce the odds of receiving child care assistance; a relationship mediated entirely by less day care center use among nonstandard schedule workers. The results imply that more flexible child care assistance is needed to meet the needs of these workers, possibly provided outside of the direct-subsidy system.     

The Impact of Childhood Sexual Abuse and Other Forms of Childhood Adversity on Adulthood Parenting

This study investigated the independent impact of child sexual abuse on five dimensions of adulthood parenting after controlling for other forms of childhood adversity in a predominantly African-American sample of mothers receiving public assistance (N = 483). An analysis of data previously collected as part of the Illinois Families Study Child Well-Being Supplement was conducted to address these questions. Data were analyzed using hierarchal multiple regression. Childhood sexual abuse survivors reported significantly lower rates of parental warmth, higher rates of psychological aggression, and more frequent use of corporal punishment than mothers who had not experienced childhood sexual abuse. These effects, however, were nonsignificant when sociodemographic factors and other forms of childhood adversity were considered. Implications for future research are provided.     

Collective Labor Supply and Child Care Expenditures: Theory and Application

In this study we examine the collective labor supply choices of dual-earner parents and take into account child care expenditures. For this purpose we use data of the Flemish Families and Care Survey (FFCS, 2004–2005). The main findings are, firstly, that the supply of paid labor is hardly affected by changes in the prices of child care services. Secondly, child care price effects on the individual labor supplies are much smaller than the wage effects. Thirdly, we find that additional earnings due to an increase in household non-labor income minus the child care expenditures are mainly transferred to the wife.     

Child Care Choices in Spain

In this paper we examined the determinants of child care choices among families with young children in Spain, by means of a conceptual framework that encompassed need, costs, and availability. Based on data from the Spanish Time Use Survey and Household Budget Survey, our study indicated that, regardless of model specification, the age of the child, the mother’s labor force decisions, and the prices of child care services available were the most important factors that mothers considered when they chose a type of child care. Day care center services substituted for babysitters when the price of babysitters rose; and relative and parent care substituted for day care centers when these services became more expensive. We found no different sensitivity to price changes for working and non-working mothers. From a public policy perspective, child care price subsidies were found to have much stronger effects on child care decisions than child allowances or public provision of school slots.     

Familial Factors Associated With the Use of Multiple Child‐Care Arrangements

This study examined the use of multiple, concurrent, nonparental child‐care arrangements among children under 5 with employed mothers in the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development (N= 759). Older children, those primarily cared for in informal child care, those living in cohabitating or single‐parent households, and those whose mothers were employed for 40 or fewer hours per week were likely to be in multiple arrangements. Higher quality primary child‐care and lower maternal satisfaction with primary care predicted the subsequent use of multiple arrangements. Little support for income differences in selection into multiple arrangements was found. Findings highlight the importance of child‐care characteristics and structure in child‐care choice. Policy implications are discussed.     

The relationship between motherhood and re-incarceration

Using matched administrative records from the Illinois Department of Corrections and the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services, this paper finds that mothers' rates of re-incarceration are higher than those of women without children. It is also found that incarcerated mothers whose children have been in foster care have a higher re-incarceration rate than do women without children. The re-incarceration rate is particularly higher among mothers whose children were placed in foster care at the time of their first incarceration and mothers who had children in foster care but lost their custody before their first incarceration. These findings are more pronounced among white women with records of drug-related offenses or drug addiction than among their African-American counterparts.     

Are we investing less in the next generation? Historical trends in time spent caring for children

Historical and current data sets are used to trace the time married women and men spend caring for their own children on a daily basis. The data are also used to estimate the total time parents spend in raising two children to the age of 18. The analysis is restricted to primary child care time; i.e., the actual, direct administration of personal care, including physical care (feeding, bathing, dressing, putting to bed) and such other direct personal care as teaching, chauffering, supervising, counseling, managing, training, amusing, and entertaining. Secondary parental child care time is not studied. Although white married women spent about. 56 hours per day per child in primary child care in the 1924–1931 period, by 1981, the time had decreased to about 1.00 hour per day per child. Married men spent 0.25 hours per day per child in 1975, the first year for which national data exists. By 1981, this figure had increased to 0.33 hours per day per child. Raising two children to age 18 required about 5,789 hours of a white, employed, married woman's time and 14,053 hours of a white, unemployed, married woman's time in 1981. Husbands of white, employed married women spent about 1,500 more hours in raising two children to age 18 than the husbands of white, unemployed married women.His research interests include the economics of family time use, household production, consumption, and demand.Her research interests include household production, family structure and family well-being, and family policy.     

Child Care Use and Parental Desire to Switch Care Type Among a Low-Income Population

This study investigates the use of and satisfaction with child care among low-income families, who are those likely to be affected by recent changes in public policy that emphasize increased work effort. Data from the Survey of Wisconsin Works Families portray differences in the use of center-based care depending on whether or not the family received a child care subsidy. A multivariate analysis of a measure of parental satisfaction, whether a parent would switch child care sources if all care were available at no charge, suggests that parents tend to be more satisfied with center-based care than with alternative forms of care. The analysis also suggests that mothers who received a child care subsidy were significantly more likely to have their children in center-based care.     

Criminality and violence in intra‐ and extra‐familial child sex abusers in a 2‐year cohort of convicted perpetrators

Men convicted of sexual abuse against children are an important but understudied population. In this study, based upon lifetime police records, of the criminality of convicted child sex abusers, we undertake the first British comparative analysis of the criminality of intra‐ and extra‐familial abusers. In a cohort of 374 convicted male child sex abusers, 50% had convictions for ‘sex only’ crimes; 26% for ‘sex and other’ offences; and 24% for ‘sex, other and violent’ crimes. There were three ‘relationship‐to‐victim’ subgroups: ‘biological relatives’, consisting of fathers and other biological relatives (18%); ‘non‐biological relatives’ — cohabitees or stepfathers (10%); and 72% who were ‘extra‐familial’ offenders, having no family relationship to the child. This atypical pattern of abusers indicates a filtering process, in which intra‐familial abusers are less likely to be prosecuted than extra‐familial offenders. The main findings were: (i) biological relatives were more often ‘sex only’ offenders, but averaged more sexual offences than the other groups; (ii) non‐biological abusers has more ‘other’ criminal and convictions for violence, and were more similar to the extra‐familial offenders than biologically related abusers; (iii) extra‐familial abusers consisted of more ‘other’ criminal and violent offenders than the non‐biological abusers; (iv) non‐biological offenders, however, had a pattern of criminality more like the extra‐familial group than the other intra‐familial abusers. The violent men, often with long histories of both sexual and non‐sexual offending, pose particular problems for the criminal justice and child protection services. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.