The Effect of Health Beliefs on the Smoking Behavior of College Women

Abstract

Of the 953 women from four New England colleges who responded to a random-sample survey of smoking behavior, 30.5% were current smokers; 20.3%, former smokers; and 49.2%, non-smokers. Most had begun smoking in high school. They were concerned about their smoking and over three-fourths of them had made a serious effort to stop. Their motivations for smoking and for stopping were studied. Coping with stress was an important motivation for continuation; health effects, loss of control over their lives, and social effects were important for cessation. Discriminant analysis was used to determine the relative contribution of health beliefs to changes in smoking status.     

Public Beliefs About the Beliefs of the Public

Perceptions of the opinions of others are examined on a varietyof issues using data from three sample surveys of metropolitanDetroit. A greal deal of inaccuracy in such perception is evident.Three broad tendencies or patterns can be discerned: "lookingglass perceptions," the general propensity to believe that others'opinions are the same as one's own; "conservative bias," thebelief that the population is more conservative on racial issuesthan it actually is; and limited response to reality constraints.The overall findings suggest that perceptions of public beliefsand attitudes are personally and socially constructed to a muchlarger degree than is often assumed.     

Modifying Beliefs and Behavior through Self-Confrontation*

Self-confrontation theory is a cognitive-consistency-based model of behavioral and cognitive change developed by Milton Rokeach. The theoretical origins and major concepts of self-confrontation theory are elaborated, along with a review of experimental tests and evidence supporting the theory. The sociological relevance of self-confrontation theory and research is discussed.     

Professionalism and the Public*

To explore the factor of public opinion as a component of professionalism, the prestige ratings of rehabilitation occupations, as given by a representative national sample replicating the North-Hatt technique, are analyzed. Visibility of an occupation does not necessarily increase prestige. Segmental visibility varies by exposure to the needs served by an occupation and by familiarity arising from work experiences. Stereotyping in terms of broad occupational categories, however, appears more likely to form lay opinion than specific job knowledge. Attitudes of particular segments, rather than general public views, are considered critical in professionalism.     

Progress,Public Health,and Power: Foucault and the Homemakers' Clubs of Saskatchewan*

De 1911 à 1979, les Homemakers' Clubs de la Saskatchewan ont mobilisé et suivi une étude et une action à grande échelle dans le domaine de la santé publique. Cet article examine comment ces clubs ont poussé des femmes à lutter pour avancer et les ont encouragées à considérer de telles luttes comme étant fondamentales pour bâtir leur propre identité. Les techniques utilisées comprenaient des encouragements à partager des buts, à faire leurs de tels buts, à structurer leur démarche, à rendre compte de leurs pensées et de leurs actions, à récompenser certaines conduites et à lier ces dernières à des causes convaincantes sur le plan émotif. En s'insérant dans un cadre conceptuel foucaldien, cet article apporte une contribution à la compréhension sociologique de la gouvernance et de la formation du sujet. From 1911 to 1979, the Homemakers' Clubs of Saskatchewan mobilized and monitored extensive study and action in the field of public health. This article explores how these clubs exhorted women to strive for progress, and encouraged women to internalize such striving as fundamental to their own identities. The techniques used included encouraging commitment to shared goals, making such goals personal, structuring action, requiring women to report their thoughts and actions, rewarding certain behaviors, and linking those behaviors with emotionally compelling causes. Rooted in a Foucauldian conceptual framework, this article contributes to the sociological understanding of subject formation and governance.     

A Smoking and Health Fair: Implementation and Evaluation

Abstract

A two-day health fair that focused entirely on the tobacco smoking habit was organized. Participating agencies offered information on smoking effects, cessation programs, and health screening to fair visitors. A visitor questionnaire indicated that the fair was successful in attracting both smokers and nonsmokers and that each group found information that was perceived as helpful. Issues involved in coordinating the project are discussed and suggestions for future smoking and health fairs are offered.     

Reconsidering Ideological Lines: Beliefs about Poverty in America*

Our nation's policy to reduce poverty reflects the belief that poverty is caused by institutional discrimination. This study first identifies the ideological and political nature of this position in relation to the classically ideological individualistic and structural beliefs about poverty. Second, it tests a block variable regression model of popular support for the various belief sets to determine how deeply Americans divide along traditional ideological lines. This model includes not only objective status and demographic factors but subjective variables as well. The results indicate only shallow cleavages in beliefs about poverty and account for why previous studies found deeper ones. Support for the institutional discrimination position is especially broad and is independent of support for individualistic or structural beliefs. These findings suggest that this position and its policy represent a successful political compromise and a viable way for people to resolve their ideological inconsistencies.     

Gambling and the Health of the Public: Adopting a Public Health Perspective

During the last decade there has been an unprecedented expansion of legalized gambling throughout North America. Three primary forces appear to be motivating this growth: (1) the desire of governments to identify new sources of revenue without invoking new or higher taxes; (2) tourism entrepreneurs developing new destinations for entertainment and leisure; and (3) the rise of new technologies and forms of gambling (e.g., video lottery terminals, powerball mega-lotteries, and computer offshore gambling). Associated with this phenomenon, there has been an increase in the prevalence of problem and pathological gambling among the general adult population, as well as a sustained high level of gambling-related problems among youth. To date there has been little dialogue within the public health sector in particular, or among health care practitioners in general, about the potential health impact of gambling or gambling-related problems. This article encourages the adoption of a public health perspective towards gambling. More specifically, this discussion has four primary objectives:1. Create awareness among health professionals about gambling, its rapid expansion and its relationship with the health care system;2. Place gambling within a public health framework by examining it from several perspectives, including population health, human ecology and addictive behaviors;3. Outline the major public health issues about how gambling can affect individuals, families and communities;4. Propose an agenda for strengthening policy, prevention and treatment practices through greater public health involvement, using the framework of The Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion as a guide.By understanding gambling and its potential impacts on the public's health, policy makers and health practitioners can minimize gambling's negative impacts and appreciate its potential benefits.     

World View and Abortion Beliefs: A Replication of Luker's Implicit Hypothesis*

According to Kristin Luker, at the heart of an individual person's beliefs concerning abortion lies a cherished, taçit, and essentially coherent world view. While Luker used the in-depth interview as a way to explore this otherwise unexamined phenomenon, this study attempts to replicate and analyze her implied theory by using a statistical methodology. By drawing on several variables found in 1990 General Social Survey data, Luker's conception of world view is operationalized in the data through both a linear regression model and a factor analysis model and compared with respondents’views on abortion. Both models are found to support Luker's hypothesis, as a clear association between world view and abortion beliefs is established.     

College Smoking Policies and Smoking Cessation Programs: Results of a Survey of College Health Center Directors

Abstract

College students' cigarette smoking rose dramatically during the 1990s. Little is known about what colleges do to address the problem. Health center directors at 393 4-year US colleges provided information (response rate: 65.1%) about college policies addressing smoking and the availability of smoking cessation programs. Of the health center directors surveyed, 85% considered students' smoking a problem; yet only 81% of colleges prohibit smoking in all public areas and only 27% ban smoking in all indoor areas, including students' rooms in dormitories and in private offices. More than 40% of the respondents reported that their schools did not offer smoking cessation programs and that the demand for existing program was low. Colleges need to do more to discourage student tobacco use. Recommended actions include campus-wide no-smoking policies that apply to student residences and identification of new ways of providing smoking prevention and cessation services.     

Going Public: Networking Globally and Locally*

Abstract Rural sociologists figure prominently in the move towards public sociology. The paper takes up Michael Burawoy's call for public sociology and discusses what rural sociologists have to offer to publics and how we stand to gain as a discipline in working with publics. The paper argues that rural sociologists' ability to adopt a cosmopolitan view while negotiating the complexities of global/local processes provides a useful theoretical stance for doing public sociology. Methodologically, both feminist methods and various approaches to networks can guide us as we do public sociology. Then, the paper provides two examples of recent efforts to do public sociology with a women's community group in Sri Lanka in response to the tsunami and with the Pennsylvania Women's Agricultural Network to illustrate the possibilities and limitations of working with networks. In conclusion, the paper addresses opportunities for doing public sociology, the challenges we face as we go public, and future work that is needed to develop theoretically and methodologically strong public rural sociology.     

Public Opinion and Social Citizenship in Canada*

Un thème important de la documentation sur les restrictions des politiques sociales d'État au Canada porte sur les idées dominantes concernant l'État providence, qui ont considérablement changé. Un aspect de cette dynamique qui a reçu peu d'attention empirique est l'opinion publique sur les politiques de l'État providence. Cet article se penche sur la dynamique et la structure de l'opinion au fil du temps en ce qui a trait aux « droits conventionneis >> des dispositions sociales des services et avantages de l'aide sociale, de même qu'aux « nouveaux droits de citoyenneté sociale >> qui mettent l'accent sur les garanties d'égalité des groupes désavantagés fondées sur des motifs hors classe. Les auteurs arrivent à la conclusion que les attitudes à l'égard de la politique sociale canadienne semblent structurées par des dimensions qui peuvent s'insérer utilement dans un cadre de citoyenneté sociale.
An important theme in the literature on the retrenchment of state social policies in Canada has been that dominant ideas about the welfare state have substantially altered. One aspect of this dynamic that has received little empirical attention is public opinion relevant to welfare state politics. This paper looks at the dynamics and structure of opinion over time concerning "conventional rights" to social provision of welfare services and benefits, as well as "new social citizenship rights" that focus on equality guarantees to disadvantaged groups based on non-class grounds. It finds that Canadian social policy attitudes appear to be structured by dimensions that can be usefully ordered by a social citizenship framework.     

Public Life and Globalization as Cultural Vision*

Dans cette étude, nous examinons les répercussions sociales de la mondialisation dans une perspective culturelle. Notre analyse porte sur le conflit qui existe entre le discours sur la mondialisation et les priorités locales, entre les droits de l'individu et les engagements des pouvoirs publics ainsi que sur la difficulté de trouver de nouveaux points d'ancrage de l'identité culturelle dans un contexte où les frontières territoriales entre les États s'effacent et où les idées de progres, de modernité et d'évolution se sont érodées. Ces traits accompagnent la transformation amorcée dans le cadre des relations complexes et hégémoniques qui caractérisent aujourd'hui le système mondial. Ce conflit et ces problèmes demeurent un axe fondamental du débat politique. Nous suggérons que les différentes formes de participation se traduisent de diverses façons dans le champ de l'expression politique et dans Interprétation des exigences sociales et des droits, et influent sur la vie publique à la veille du XXI^esiécle. This article explores the social implications of globalization as cultural vision. Discussion bears upon the tension between the discourse of globality and local priorities, of individual rights and public commitments, and upon the problems of finding new ways for grounding identities as territorial state boundaries are weakened and the ideas of progress, modernity and evolutionary perspectives are eroded as part of a process of change initiated in the developed and hegemonic settings of the world system. It is claimed that these tensions and problems remain a crucial axis of political debate. It is suggested that different patterns of participation meld in manifold ways into recreated forms of political will and varied interpretations of social claims on and rights to affect the shaping of public life at the turn of the century.     

Public opinion and the Canadian political crisis*

This survey of public opinion offers little hope of a speedy resolution to the conflict between the federal government and the government of Quebec by reference to a wider public debate than is provided for in the existing electoral machinery. In Quebec, the program of the Parti Quebecois is supported by about one-third of the population. However, the very great majority of Quebecers wants recognition of the special status of French in their province, in line with the recent language legislation of the pq government. French Quebecers also strongly support the extension of bilingual opportunities in education and government in the rest of Canada, policies which are presently beyond the jurisdiction of the federal government and which provincial governments are not yet prepared to enact. A clear majority of Canadians outside Quebec opposes provisions for the special status of French within Quebec as the language of work and of schooling for non-English-speaking immigrants, and only a small majority supports the extension of educational and governmental facilities in French outside Quebec. Differences in public opinion are equally pronounced with respect to the issues of concessions and economic agreement. The great majority of Quebecers favours an economic agreement with the rest of Canada if the province becomes independent. Outside Quebec only a bare majority of Canadians supports any concessions to Quebec to prevent separation, and a large proportion of them draws the line at “minor” concessions. Similarly, only a slight majority of Canadians outside of Quebec is prepared to approve of the negotiation of an economic agreement should a majority of Quebecers vote for independence, and it seems likely that a majority in English Canada would oppose any concrete suggestions for economic union. Further insights into the structure of these political attitudes can be obtained from Table V1, which shows gamma values measuring the associations between the individual items discussed so far and compares these associations for the two large non-minority groups - the French in Quebec and the non-French outside Quebec. The generally stronger associations in Quebec among the responses to items a to E -measuring support for conventional policies of bilingualism - indicate that French Quebecers are more likely to view the extension of these rights in Quebec and English Canada in terms of reciprocity and that their beliefs are more coherently organized than those of English Canadians. It is interesting to examine the relationship between support for English-language schooling for Canadians who move to Quebec versus provision for this schooling for people who do not speak English and move to Quebec. In English Canada the two policies are very strongly related; the gamma of 81 indicates that both policies are seen as part of a single dimension. But French Quebecers see these as two distinguishable issues, though they are still positively related (the gamma is.25). In Quebec there is little relationship between support for independence and attitudes to bilingualism. Support for independence is weakly, but negatively, correlated with support for English schooling for English Canadians who move to Quebec and with recognition of the right to communicate with the Quebec government in English. Supporters of independence tend to oppose common Federalist notions of bilingualism, but not as strongly as might be expected. What is suggested here is that “independen-tisme” is a reaction to conditions within Quebec - as indicated further by the definite association between support for independence and the measures to protect French within Quebec - rather than a reaction to conditions in Canada or an ethnocentric response to English Canadians generally. The data in Table VI also indicate that amongst non-French-speaking Canadians outside Quebec support for the extension of opportunities for the use of French in Canada is associated with support for the recognition of the special status of French in Quebec and with approval of a more conciliatory attitude to concessions and economic agreement with Quebec. The relevant coefficients are in the order of.30, indicating a fairly consistent attitudinal structure. In English Canada, therefore, attitudes to bilingualism reflect a general orientation towards political developments in Quebec which can be seen in terms of the response of a dominant ethnic group to the assertion of “civil rights” by an ethnic minority. In Quebec, on the other hand, problems of civil rights in majority-minority relations within Canada have little or nothing to do with the demand for the right to self-determination. This demand reflects rather the concentration of the French population and the historical continuity of the French community in Quebec, and arguments over the right to self-determination are based upon interpretations of political and economic conditions within Quebec. Within Quebec, therefore, we expect to explain attitudes to independence and language rights in terms of conventional theories of support for nationalist movements, while in the rest of Canada we concentrate on theories of prejudice and support for civil liberties.