Dispersion to Oceania and developed Asia

Since most of South Asian Tibetan refugees have not secured formal immigration status in their host countries, their dispersion has expanded to other continents. Compared to those Tibetans living in South Asia, Europe and North America, Tibetans in Australia and New Zealand emigrated there on their own, married citizens, or went to study, work, or engage in religious or cultural activities. Tibetan diasporization in Oceania has proven successful. There are only around 60 Tibetans residing in Japan, some of them hold a Taiwanese (Republic of China) passport, which makes it easier to obtain a Japanese visa, and others are fulltime staff members of the liaison office of the Dalai Lama in Japan. Under Seoul's stringent immigration laws, less than 20 Tibetans reside in South Korea, mostly on work visas. Tibetan exiles and their supporters often protest to the Visiting Chinese Leaders or Embassy of China in Oceania and developed Asian countries.     

Protest Camps and Repertoires of Contention

Protest camps have become a prominent feature of the post-2010 cycle of social movements and while they have gripped the public and media's imagination, the phenomenon of protest camping is not new. The practice and performance of creating protest camps has a rich history, which has evolved through multiple movements, from Anti-Apartheid to Anti-war. However, until recently, the history of the protest camp as part of the repertoire of social movements and as a site for the evolution of a social movement's repertoire has largely been confined to the histories of individual movements. Consequently, connections between movements, between camps and the significance of the protest camp itself have been overlooked. In this research profile, we argue for the importance of studying protest camps in relation to social movements and the evolution of repertoires noting how protest camps adapt infrastructures and practices from tent cities, festival cultures, squatting communities and land-based autonomous movements. We also acknowledge protest camps as key sites in which a variety of repertoires of contention are developed, tried and tested, diffused or sometimes dismissed. To facilitate the study protest camps we suggest a theory and practice of ‘infrastructural analysis’ and differentiated between four protest camp infrastructures: (1) media & communication, (2) action, (3) governance and (4) re-creation. We then use the infrastructures of media and communications as a brief example as to how our proposed infrastructural analysis can contribute to the study of repertoires and our understanding of the rich dynamics of a protest camp.     

Place making,grassroots organizing,and rural protest: A case study of Anahim Lake,British Columbia

Contemporary rural social movements bring diverse interest groups and stakeholders together at the local scale in the pursuit of common visions and goals, often against the backdrop of an external threat. The challenge for a movement's leaders is to negotiate and design a rural agenda that resonates with this complex constituency. One way to approach this problem is to construct and politicize a local sense of place as a means of rallying insiders against outside forces and pressures. This article explores the place-making activities of rural leaders operating within a complex social setting through an analysis of a grassroots social movement in Anahim Lake, British Columbia. The study uses the concept of the “place frame” to explore how Anahim's activists created a local discursive framework that enabled them to bridge dissimilar environmental values and practices within the community. The removal of external pressures following protest, however, saw the dissolution of this alignment. In documenting this process, the article contributes to a fuller understanding of the significance of place in grassroots protest and activism.     

Philadelphia says smoking ban has not led to treatment impact

Despite charges by Brooke Feldman and others (see “Advocate: Philadelphia smoking ban shuts some patients out of treatment,” https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/adaw.32388 , ADAW, June 10), the number of people leaving addiction treatment in Philadelphia is up, not down, after the smoking ban, the Department of Behavioral Health and Intellectual disAbility services (DBHIDS) stated last week in a press release. The statement came out June 24, the day before a planned protest spearheaded by Feldman.     

SOUTH AFRICA'S PRESS RESTRICTIONS EFFECTS ON PRESS COVERAGE AND PUBLIC OPINION TOWARD SOUTH AFRICA

The 2 November 1985 ban on photographic and sound recordingsby the South African government provided an opportunity to investigatehypotheses concerning the effect of the ban on U.S. media coverageof South Africa and on public opinion toward South Africa. Wehypothesized that the ban would result in (1) a decrease incoverage of protest-related stories, (2) a tapering off of thevolume of coverage, and (3) a decline in the prominence of theSouth Africa story. We further hypothesized that (4) all ofthese effects would be stronger for broadcast than for printmedia, that (5) if the press ban reduced coverage of eventsin South Africa, there would be less attentiveness to the SouthAfrican problem among the general public in the United States,and that (6) sympathy for the black population would decreaseas a result of the press restrictions. We found that the press restrictions did not have the effectspredicted, either on press coverage or on United States publicopinion. Relative to levels of political violence in South Africa,coverage levels did decline. However, the decline did not occurabruptly in November, but appeared as a continuation of decreasesthat had already begun in September, prior to the press restrictions.     

Exploring commonality and difference in in-depth interviewing: a case-study of researching British Asian women

This paper draws on the experience of researching British South Asian women's lives in London as a female British Asian researcher to explore how cultural commonality and difference is shaped by agency and interaction in the research process. It examines these issues through a discussion of how the shared cultural identity of the researcher and the interviewees emerged as both a point of commonality and difference in the research process; with the researcher being ;positioned' in terms of both as a result of the interviewees' agency in interpreting their cultural commonality. In particular, issues of 'Indianness' and religion emerged as points on which interviewees exercised agency and interpreted the researcher's cultural identity. This was the basis on which they claimed commonality or difference and this assessment consequently impacted on their interaction with the researcher. The article suggests that more attention needs to be given to how assumptions made by interviewees regarding the cultural identity of the researcher through their agency and interaction in the research process shapes interview dynamics.     

A ‘desi’ diaspora? The production of ‘desiness’ and London's Asian urban music scene

Increasingly, the term ‘desi’ amongst British Asians has been commonly used to describe South Asian diasporic cultural forms and practices, particularly regarding musical genres and styles. This article opens up debate on its contested meanings and usage within the London Asian urban music scene. In unpacking the complex and contradictory meanings and uses of ‘desi’ across time, space and place, ‘desiness’ becomes exemplary of the ambivalent spaces of youthful diasporic identities in process. I argue that cultural practices, such as music production and consumption, provide critical tools to critique one-dimensional notions of ‘Britishness’ and ‘Asianness’, as well as to reassert normative notions of belonging and diaspora. The exploration of diasporic identities in the making within the spaces of London Asian cultural production highlights the importance of everyday forms and practices and fosters a better understanding of multiculture and new modes of belonging in London.     

Counter-conducts: A Foucauldian Analytics of Protest

The influence of Foucault on studies of social movements, dissent and protest is not as direct as might be imagined. He is generally regarded as focusing more on the analysis of power and government than forms of resistance. This is reflected in the governmentality literature, which tends to treat dissent and protest as an afterthought, or failure of government. However, Foucault's notion of ‘counter-conducts’ has much to offer the study of dispersed, heterogeneous and variegated forms of resistance in contemporary global politics. Using the protests that have accompanied summits including Seattle, Johannesburg, Prague, London and Copenhagen to illustrate an analytics of protest in operation, this article shows how a Foucauldian perspective can map the close interrelationship between regimes of government and practices of resistance. By adopting a practices and mentalities focus, rather than an actor-centric approach, and by seeking to destabilize the binaries of power and resistance, and government and freedom, that have structured much of political thought, an analytics of protest approach illuminates the mutually constitutive relationship between dominant power relationships and counter-conducts, and shows how protests both disrupt and reinforce the status quo, at the same time.     

Psychodynamic Work With Clients in the Latter end of Life

Abstract

Mannie Sher is the Principal Social Worker at the Paddington Centre for Psychotherapy, London, where his responsibilities include a combination of team management, clinical work, teaching and consultation. In 1964 he graduated as a Social Worker at the University of Wit-watersrand, South Africa, and after several years experience in the Family Welfare and Child Guidance fields, completed the training in Adult Psychotherapy at the Tavistock Clinic (1976). He is a member of the British Association of Psychotherapists.     

Judicial opportunities and the death of SHAC: legal repression along a cycle of contention

Focusing on the British animal rights campaign against Huntingdon Life Sciences, this article investigates how changing judicial opportunities effectively cause the demobilization of a social movement campaign, explaining the central role of law and criminal justice in movement repression. The study identifies four forms of legal repression arising in response to the UK organization Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty: elite-initiated protest control, targeted criminalization, leadership decapitation and extended incapacitation. The analysis demonstrates the need to widen repression research beyond the policing of protest events, to cover how social movement activists are controlled after arrest. It concludes by arguing for the inclusion of a stage-dimension in repression research to better grasp the crucial role of private elites in the initiation of repression. The study builds on qualitative data from Britain, obtained by participant observation, trial observation and interviews, covering both protestors and their adversaries.     

The making of African‐American Protestantism

Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the American South and British Caribbean to 1830. SYLVIA R. FREY and BETTY WOOD. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. xiv, 285pp. $37.95 (cloth); $12.95 (paper). ISBN 0–8078–2375–9; 0–8078–4681–3.

A Separate Canaan: The Making of an Afro‐Moravian World in North Carolina, 1763–1840. JON SENSBACH. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. xxiii, 342pp. $45.00. ISBN 0–8078–2394–5.     

Between Revolution and Defeat: Student Protest Cycles and Networks

This article reviews the literature on student protest movements, during and after the mass mobilisations of the 1960s. It considers the usefulness of the major social movement frameworks that have been applied to student protest movements. The first part of the article explains how the new social movement paradigm developed from the wave of 1960s protests in the United States and Europe. This was because of a rare conjunction of social and political structural societal changes and dynamics within the student population. The second part considers student protest movements in authoritarian regimes. In particular, how the political process approach allows for an analysis of student protests after the 1960s within and outside of the occident. The third considers the relatively recent application of social network analysis to student protests and the politicising effect of the university campus. Finally, the article concludes by arguing that student protest movements are not a homogenous phenomenon. Their dynamics and the political structures they challenge vary between countries. Furthermore, although the conditions of student life and the rapid turnover of generations suggest sustained long-term political activity is not possible, recent research drawing upon social network analysis suggests political activity across student generations may be maintained.     

WHEN A WAR IS NOT A WAR:

In this article I juxtapose American media coverage of the Gulf war and the war on abortion in 1991 to trace the meanings and possibilities for identity and activism mobilized by both. While the two wars seem unrelated, I examine the techniques through which the news coverage of both marginalized social protest and women's place within the national imaginary. In the news, protesters and women were positioned outside the sphere of normal politics and reasonable opinion. In this way, the news created a mythic community of "people like us" in opposition to women and activists. Through this marginalization of protest, broadcast news contained the threat of activism to the national imaginary of the United States in both conflicts.     

Disaster cosmologies in comparative perspective: Islam,climate change and the 2010 floods in Pakistan's Southern Punjab

As humanity enters a new era of climate‐induced unpredictability, research into the role of religion in shaping perceptions of, and responses to disaster will become increasingly important. This is particularly true of South Asia, which contains dense populations certain to be adversely affected by climate change. This contribution explores the way religion shapes and mediates responses to disaster in Pakistan. Where previous work in this field has focused on extremists and militants, mine considers currents of lived Islam that take explicit stances on questions of natural resource development. Drawing upon extensive primary data, I identify two distinct disaster cosmologies permeating state and society. First, I consider the official Islam of experts and policymakers, whose approach to development is derived from, but arguably surpasses the modernism of British and American colonial and Cold War paradigms in its dogmatic, faith‐based belief in the imperative of mastering and exploiting nature. The second is an altogether contrasting formation embedded in a political protest movement representing a marginalized constituency, the Siraiki speaking population of Southern Punjab, which mobilized flood affectees in the aftermath of the 2010 floods around issues of social and environmental justice.     

Selective Mobilization in Craft Protest

Abstract Resource mobilization theory, while useful for understanding the conditions under which individuals act together to remedy their grievances, neglects other problematical features of collective action. In some settings the more interesting question is not why mobilization occurs but, instead, why individuals with varied grievances mobilize around certain goals and in certain alliances rather than others. Collective protest among skilled workers confronting industrial change illustrates this problem of selective mobilization. Characteristics of the labor process, craft unionism, industrial relations, and workshop organization favored the mobilization of some interests, goals, and coalitions and inhibited others. Contrasting patterns of protest among British engineers and American machinists before 1920 support the argument.     

The genesis of public relations in British colonial practice

This paper fills a gap in the documentation of the evolution of public relations in the 20th century by demonstrating how the British Colonial Office employed public relations strategies and tactics in the administration of an African colony. This policy development traced primarily through British Colonial Office and Ministry of Information written and film archives in London, Zimbabwe and Zambia demonstrates how colonial officials in an Africa colony in conjunction with civil servants at the Colonial Office in London developed and implemented public relations policies, strategies and tactics on an ad hoc basis in response to the need for colonial officials to communicate and manage relations with colonial subjects in an intercultural setting.The case study is that of the British colony of Northern Rhodesia, the evolution of government public relations activities follows three distinct phases, before, during and after World War II and covers political public relations as well as community development activities and “education for citizenship.”     

The early days of public relations in British Malaya: Winning the hearts and minds of the Empire

This article traces the early form of public information services during the colonial period to provide new insights into the historical development of Malaysia’s public relations. The first formal information agency created in 1910 was based in London to promote the early practices of public relations for British Malaya and its interests in Britain. British consolidation during the years of economic boom and depression, until the achievement of Malaysian Independence, was aided by the early information services. The article makes an alternative argument about the beginnings of Malaysian public relations based on colonial economic and political interest as against other previously held views     

“Romancing with a Wealth or Detail” Narratives or Ernest Jones's 1906 Trial for Indecent Assault

In March 1906 Dr. (Alfred) Ernest Jones was put on trial for indecently assaulting two young “mentally defective” girls at a special school in South East London. Jones claimed it was “the most disagreeable experience in [his] life.” A detailed reconstruction of the trial, drawn from contemporaneous records, reveals significant flaws in Jones's autobiographical account. Reading those records in the light of early psychoanalytic theory and recent British “political” texts on child sexual abuse—from “Cleveland,” “Orkney,” and “Jason Dabbs” through to “Lost in Care”—helps illuminate the dominant medicolegal ideologies that informed Jones's trial. Adapting Leo Strauss's concept of persecution reveals how details of the children's allegations were occluded from the trial reports. A jigsaw reconstruction of these silences offers a restitutive narrative of the children's persecuted speech.     

Book Reviews/Comptes Rendus

Book reviewed in this article:
JAY NARAYAN, The Political Economy of Fiji. Suva, Fiji: South Pacific Review Press, 1984, pp. 144
A. WIPPER (ed.), The Sociology of Work. Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1984, NPG
A. ROMANIUC, Fertility in Canada: From Baby-boom to Baby-bust. Ottawa: Statistics Canada
L. WAI, S. SHIEL and T.R. BALAKRISHNAN, Annotated Bibliography of Canadian Demography, 1966–1982. London, Ont.: Centre for Canadian Population Studies, The University of Western Ontario
RONALD HAMOWY, Canadian Medicine: A Study in Restricted Entry. Toronto: The Fraser Institute, 1984, NPG
SHEPARD KRECH III (ed.), The Subarctic fur Trade: Native Social and Economic Adaptations. Vancouver: The University of British Columbia Press
JUDITH NAGATA, The Reflowering of Malaysian Islam: Modern Religious Radicals and Their Roots. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press
M. SEGUIN (ed.), The Tsimshian — Images of the Past: Views for the Present. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1984, pp. 343, photos
RESPONSE TO BEN AGGER'S REVIEW OF THE COMMUNIST IDEAL IN HEGEL AND MARX ( CRSA )     

Occupation as refrain: territory and beyond in Occupy London

Emerging with the wider ‘movements of the squares’ of 2011, Occupy London was defined by occupation, and by participants’ negotiation of what occupation meant. Its forms and meanings changed as London’s Occupiers moved between occupied sites, through uprootings by eviction, and into post-eviction attempts to extend Occupy’s territorial politics without the camps. This paper builds on three years of ethnography to consider occupation as an unfolding process, using Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the ‘refrain’. This describes territory in three ‘moments’: the marking of a fragile centre; the stabilization of a bounded ‘home’; and the breaching of boundaries, extending in progressive directions. This rubric is used to analyze London’s occupations, and their defining tension, between an expansive desire to ‘Occupy Everywhere’ – connecting to the wider ‘99 percent’ – and the tendency to become embedded in the protest camp ‘home’. The features of ‘home’ are analyzed using Foucault’s concept of ‘heterotopia’, highlighting an alterity with ambivalent consequences for Occupy’s project. The paper argues that despite a desire to ‘deterritorialize’ occupation, Occupy London stalled in the moment of ‘home’, a consequence of the camp’s status as the ‘common ground’ of an often disparate movement, and the reduction of productive capacities characterizing Occupy’s terminal downswing.