Anna Hazare's Anti-Corruption Movement and the Limits of Mass Mobilization in India

A hunger strike that played upon Gandhi's legacy of civil disobedience and mass protest was India's capstone event for 2011. Initiated by Anna Hazare, a 74-year-old self-styled Gandhian, the protest targeted the government's new anti-corruption legislation, which Hazare proclaimed as too weak. Hazare's demand for a strong anti-corruption law, leading to the establishment of an independent ombudsman (Lokpal), had slowly gained momentum in the first half of 2011, when Hazare collected a sizeable following. It was his unexpected arrest on the eve of the August protest, however, that thrust him into the limelight, sparking candle-lit marches across the country and swelling the ranks of his movement, Indian Against Corruption (IAC). Hazare was hailed as a leader of Gandhian proportions and applauded for his humble origins, numerous awards, and ecologically conscious development work in Ralegan Siddhi, where Hazare took up residence in 1975, following a brief career in the army. His movement, which appeared to be climbing from strength to strength, was thought to be a major political force of lasting influence. But in the year since the Ramlila protest, Hazare's movement has lost steam, with key leaders oscillating between calling for a stronger movement based on ‘the people's guidance’ and entertaining the possibility of entering electoral politics through the formation of a new political party. This article investigates the reasons for the deceleration of the Hazare movement, with an emphasis on why Hazare failed to win the support of the liberal and left sections of society, particularly the intelligentsia.     

Globalization and the Politics of Indigeneity

Indigenous peoples inevitably associate globalization with imperial expansion and the colonization of their territories. One associated scholarly view is that globalization's focus on capital accumulation sets aside indigenous cultural priorities to undermine self-determining authority over lands and resources (Fenelon and Hall, 2008; Friedman, 1999; Kelsey, 2005a, 2005b; Stewart-Harawira, 2005). Alternatively, globalization is an ambiguous paradox also providing significant benefits to indigenous peoples. In two very different Pacific countries, Fiji and New Zealand, the globalization of political and jurisprudential thought on the rights of indigeneity provides a significant counter to state assertions of absolute sovereignty. Globalization creates economic opportunities to reduce indigenous dependence on the state and in its contemporary expression is less significant than domestic factors in inhibiting indigenous aspirations.

Inevitablemente, la población indígena asocia a la globalización con la expansión imperial y la colonización de sus territorios. Una visión académica asociada es que el enfoque de la globalización en la acumulación de capital, desestima las prioridades culturales indígenas para entorpecer la autoridad autodeterminante sobre la tierra y los recursos. (Fenelon and Hall, 2008; Friedman, 1999; Kelsey, 2005a; 2005b; Stewart-Harawira, 2005). Por otro lado, la globalización es una paradoja ambigua que también provee beneficios a las poblaciones indígenas. En dos países diferentes del Pacífico, Fiyi y Nueva Zelanda, la globalización del pensamiento político o jurisprudencial sobre los derechos del indigenismo, provee una lucha importante contra las afirmaciones estatales de una soberanía absoluta. La globalización crea oportunidades económicas para reducir la dependencia indígena del estado y su expresión contemporánea es menos importante que los factores domésticos que inhiben las aspiraciones indígenas.

伴随着帝国的扩张和其领土的被殖民化,土著居民无可避免地被卷入全球化中。一种相关学术观点认为,全球化对资本积累的关注不顾土著民的文化优先权,损害了土著民对土地和资源的自决权力。（Fenelon 和 Hall, 2008; Friedman, 1999; Kelsey, 2005a; 2005b; Stewart-Harawira, 2005）另一种观点认为,全球化是一种不确定的悖论, 也为土著民带来了巨大利益。在两个截然不同的太平洋国家———斐济和新西兰,关于土著民权利的政治和法律思考的全球化对国家声称的绝对主权提出了挑战。全球化为土著民减少对国家的依赖创造了经济机遇;而且在抑制土著民的权利主张方面,其当今表现作用不及国内因素显著。

????? ????? ???? ????? ??? ??? ???? ?????. ??? ??? ??? ????? ??? ?? ???? ??? ??? ??? ?? ??? ???? ??? ????? ????? ??? ?? ??? ?? ???? ??? (Fenelon and Hall, 2008; Friedman, 1999; Kelsey, 2005a; 2005b; Stewart-Harawira, 2005). ????? ???? ?????? ??? ??? ??? ?? ????? ??????. ?? ?? ? ??? ??? ??? ?????? ???? ??? ?? ???, ??? ??? ???? ??? ??? ???? ?? ?? ??? ??? ????. ???? ??? ???? ????? ???? ????? ???? ??? ??? ?? ???? ???? ???? ??? ?????? ???? ????? ? ????.     

Globalization and Changing Patterns of Social Mobilization in Urban India

Recent developments around the globe – from organization into forums such as the World Social Forum to smaller protests – have necessitated a review of the notion of movements/mobilizations. There is an enhanced focus on ‘mobilizing/organizing’ masses. The character of mobilizations is radically transformed and is in a constant flux leading to explorations of newer ‘experiments’. Central to such a conceptualization, given the state of mobilizations worldwide, is the need to grapple with the causal factors and the dialectics of systemic dynamics and mobilizations. This paper seeks to comprehend the dynamics of mobilizations, their rise and fall in the light of contemporary developments of rampant consumerism and individualization resulting in shrinking collective spaces. It argues that in the transformed setting, when liberalism coexists with mounting coercion of private capital through state as well as non-state institutions, mobilizations of changed character will be ultimate expressions of resistance leading in due course to a macro-assertion. Such a debate has not been taken up seriously in India with the same intensity as in the Latin American context or in Western sociology. The arguments made in the paper are based on interviews with activists, interaction with activists and their experiences in different meetings as well as research based on secondary material.     

The Politics of Investment and Growth in Egypt: Experimenting with a New Approach

‘Improve the investment climate!’ is the dominant advice for governments wishing to achieve substantial increases in productive private investment. However, national‐level investment‐climate approaches have been criticised for not paying adequate attention to context and feasibility. This article experiments with a new approach which focuses on sectors and on relationships between policy‐makers and investors, and shows how their common interest helped to overcome obstacles to investment and growth in Egypt. Such public‐private relationships can be abused but they have provided effective transitional arrangements for enhancing investment and inducing a new growth dynamic.     

Youth Perspectives on Social Insurance in Egypt: Qualitative Insights on the Gap between Legal and Effective Coverage

A gap between legal and effective coverage rates is a common challenge facing social insurance systems in Low‐ and Middle‐Income Countries. This article draws on an exploratory qualitative study with youth in Egypt to examine how labour market dynamics and worker preferences contribute to this gap. Labour market factors, particularly instability of employment and job mobility, were found to reduce the perceived value of social insurance. Poor understanding of how social insurance works was another contributing factor. However, youth displayed a high level of trust in the public social insurance system and saw pensions as valuable in the abstract. In combination with awareness promotion, eliminating penalties to discontinuous labour force participation could make social insurance more attractive to youth.     

Radical Changes in the Muslim World: Turkey,Iran, Egypt

This piece engages with contemporary revolutions from the perspective of religion. Religion has played a significant role in mobilizing peoples in Turkey, Iran, and even Egypt. I examine the Arab spring by suggesting that these movements point to radical changes in the Muslim World by paying close attention to revolutions in Turkey, Iran, and Egypt. I argue that religion has acted as resource of mobilization in Muslim societies by showing that systematically through Turkey and Iran. However, with the Egyptian revolts we see a challenge to the dominance of that resource and a desire to seek other resources as forces of mobilization. The article concludes by offering a provocation to the Muslim insurgents and the entire Muslim world: to rekindle the legacy of the great Muslim philosophers and social-political thinkers, and to connect it with the aspirations of contemporary democratic thought and practice.

Esta pieza se ocupa de las revoluciones contemporáneas desde una perspectiva de la religión. La religión ha jugado un papel importante en la movilización de personas en Turquía, Irán e incluso en Egipto. Yo analizo a la primavera árabe, mediante la sugerencia de que estos movimientos apuntan a cambios radicales en el mundo musulmán, prestando mucha atención a las revoluciones en Turquía, Irán e incluso en Egipto. Sostengo que la religión ha actuado como un recurso de movilización en las sociedades musulmanas demostrándolo sistemáticamente a través de Turquía e Irán. Sin embargo, con las revueltas de Egipto, vemos un reto a la dominación de ese recurso y un deseo de buscar otros recursos como fuerzas de movilización. El artículo concluye con la oferta de una provocación de los insurgentes musulmanes y el mundo musulmán entero: para reavivar el legado de los grandes filósofos musulmanes y pensadores sociopolíticos, y para conectarse con las aspiraciones del pensamiento democrático contemporáneo y la práctica.

本文将宗教视点与当代革命结合了起来。宗教在土耳其、伊朗和埃及等国家的群众动员方面扮演着重要角色。我考察“阿拉伯之春”,指出这些运动通过对土耳其、伊朗和埃及革命的密切观察,指向了穆斯林世界的激进变革。我通过系统地剖析土耳其、伊朗两国案例,认为宗教在穆斯林社会中作为一种动员力量发挥了作用。然而,通过埃及的反叛,我们看到了对宗教作为支配力量的挑战和希望寻找其他资源作为动员力量的倾向。本文以向穆斯林反叛者和整个穆斯林世界提出诘问作结,即重新利用伟大的穆斯林哲学家和社会政治思想家们的遗产,再将之同当代民主思想与实践的追求连接起来。     

Changing Indigeneity Politics in Indonesia: From Revival to Projects

Through the discourse of indigeneity, rural communities around the world are joining a global network of rural justice seekers. By articulating grievances collectively, they demand state recognition while seeking support from NGOs and international development organisations. In Indonesia, the manifestation of indigenous ‘adat’ politics is no longer confined to the national struggle for the recognition of land rights, but instead, has proliferated into many localised short term ‘adat projects’. This introduction to the TAPJA special issue on adat demonstrates that both the rural poor and local elites can be the initiators or recipients of these adat projects but, at the current juncture, the latter are better positioned to benefit from such projects. The special issue shows that in Indonesia, where adat is often firmly entrenched in the state, the promotion of indigeneity claims can work in contradictory ways. Findings from across the special issue show that adat projects tend to reinforce the power of the state, rather than challenging it.     

Working on the Revolution in Bahrain: From the Mass Strike to Everyday Forms of Medical Provision

The 2011 Arab Spring uprising with the highest levels of popular support took place in Bahrain. This level of mobilization was due in part to the organizational capacity of trade unions and professional associations, and yet their role in the ‘near-revolution’ has received very little scholarly attention. In contrast to Egypt and Tunisia, where the official trade union federations played an ambiguous or even hostile role as workers began to organize strikes during the protests against Ben Ali and Mubarak, the official General Federation of Bahrain Trade Unions not only supported the protests against the Al Khalifa regime, but called for two general strikes. As significant as the strikes were, the work of unpaid volunteers constituted another less recognized, but equally important form of labor activism. Understanding the mass mobilization in Bahrain, and elsewhere, requires an encompassing approach to labor: one that can conceptualize equally the ability of collectivities to stop working, but also the ability to collectively continue to work, even on an unpaid basis. I will illustrate the contradictory role of the labor movement with examples from the Bahrain Teachers’ Association and the Bahrain Nursing Society. The majority of members of both associations were women. Finally, the Bahraini regime punished both forms of labor activism – both the teachers who went on strike, and the nurses who declared they would not strike but continue to work and care for the injured protesters.     

全球化挑战埃及:历史、问题与对策

全球化在现代化改革、文化传统以及国际政治地位三个方面对埃及形成挑战.从当前看,加速现代化建设,继续推行国内经济改革是埃及成功应对全球化的根本措施;积极谋求地区经济合作和国际经济合作,以地区经济一体化应对全球化是埃及迎接全球化挑战必须依靠的力量;正确对待和处理全球化背境中的伊斯兰复兴运动是埃及在参与全球化进程中维护国家文化主权和社会稳定的重要条件.     

The Emancipatory Potential of Generic Globalization

The debate around globalization is entering a new and more mature phase reflected in the fact that it is now generally accepted that we live in an era of globalization. However, the concept is used in a bewildering variety of ways. Here I attempt to deconstruct it by distinguishing three modes of globalization in theory and practice, namely: generic, capitalist, and alternative globalizations. My argument is that globalization in a generic sense is too often confused with its dominant actually existing type, capitalist globalization. I define generic globalization in terms of (a) the electronic revolution; (b) postcolonialisms; (c) the subsequent creation of transnational social spaces; and (d) qualitatively new forms of cosmopolitanism. Capitalist globalization undermines the emancipatory potential of the four elements of generic globalization, resulting in what are termed here a new type of class polarization crisis and the crisis of ecological unsustainability. The article concludes with an attempt to sketch the main principles of a post-capitalist alternative form of democratic socialist globalization, based on networks of sustainable consumer-producer cooperatives operating at all appropriate social and geographical scales.

El debate sobre la globalización está entrando en una fase nueva y más madura, reflejada en el hecho de que ahora generalmente se acepta que vivimos en una era de globalización. Sin embargo, el concepto se usa en una variedad de formas confusas. Por este medio, trato de deconstruirlo, mediante la distinción de tres modos de globalización en teoría y en práctica, principalmente: globalizaciones genéricas, capitalistas y alternas. Mi argumento es que la globalización en un sentido genérico, se confunde frecuentemente con el tipo dominante de globalización que existe actualmente, la globalización capitalista. Yo defino la globalización genérica en términos de (a) revolución electrónica; (b) poscolonialismo; (c) la creación subsecuente de espacios sociales trasnacionales; y (d) nuevas formas cualitativas de cosmopolitismo. La globalización capitalista obstaculiza el potencial emancipador de los cuatro elementos de la globalización genérica, resultando en lo que hemos denominado aquí, un nuevo tipo de crisis de polarización de clases y la crisis de insostenibilidad ecológica. El artículo concluye con un intento de esbozar los principios fundamentales de una forma alterna poscapitalista de globalización democrática socialista, en base a redes de cooperativas de consumidor-productor sostenibles que operan a todos los niveles sociales y geográficos apropiados.

     

To Sell or Not to Sell: Landscapes of Resistance to Neoliberal Globalization in Transylvania

What can resistance to corporate globalization mean for post-socialist citizens? This article examines the case of Rosia Montana in Transylvania to answer this question. One of the mining places in Transylvania that sits on gold and other metals, Rosia is a semi-urban village and the oldest documented community in Romania. After 1989, its resources made it appealing to a mining corporation interested in developing the largest open-cast cyanide leach gold mine in Europe. This article makes an analysis of personal stories of resistance to the corporate mining project addressing global developmentalism from a critical perspective. Stories testify that both national feelings of rootedness (cultural struggle) and the support for corporate mining are not forms of ideological engagement manipulated towards some programmatic ends. It may be the in-between space occupied by former communist countries where the Western liberal discourse is not yet naturalized, the space where a test of capitalism is taken. The ambiguity and vacillation of locals with regard to the market space is a micro-political formulation of a macro-political tension between ‘culture’ and ‘politics’ that allows for criticism to emerge through aesthetic avoidance of ideological closure and indeterminacy.

¿Qué puede significar la resistencia a la globalización corporativa para los ciudadanos postsocialistas? Para contestar a esta pregunta, este artículo examina el caso de Rosia Montana en Transilvania. Rosia, uno de los lugares mineros en Transilvania que se sitúa por encima del oro y otros metales, es una aldea semiurbana y la más antigua de las comunidades documentadas en Romania. Después de 1989, sus recursos se hicieron muy atractivos a una corporación minera interesada en desarrollar la mayor mina de oro de cielo abierto con técnica de lixiviación en pila con cianuro de Europa. Este artículo hace un análisis sobre las historias personales de resistencia al proyecto de minería corporativa tratando al desarrollismo global desde una perspectiva crítica. Historias testifican que tanto los sentimientos nacionales de arraigo (lucha cultural) y el soporte para la minería corporativa no son formas de compromiso ideológico manipulado hacia ciertos fines pragmáticos. Puede ser el espacio intermedio ocupado por previos países comunistas en donde no se han naturalizado todavía el tema liberal de occidente, el espacio a donde se toma un examen capitalista. La ambigüedad y la incertidumbre de los locales con respecto al espacio del mercado es un planteamiento de una tensión macropolítica entre ‘culturas’ y ‘políticas’ que da lugar a la crítica para surgir a través de la evasión estética de cierre e indeterminación ideológica.

抵制公司全球化对于后社会主义时代的公民来说意味着什么？本文考察位于特兰西瓦尼亚的罗西亚蒙塔纳之例来回答这一问题。作为特兰西瓦尼亚拥有金矿和其他金属的矿区之一,罗西亚是个半城市化的村落且是罗马尼亚最早造册的社区。1989年后,矿产资源让罗西亚引起了志在发展欧洲最大露天氰化物浸金开采业的采矿集团的兴趣。本文以批判性观点对体现全球发展主义的公司采矿项目中的个人经历进行了一项分析。这些故事证明,民族情感的根深蒂固（文化抗争）和对公司采矿的支持都不是受控确立一些纲领性目标的意识形态参与的形式。它也许是被西方自由主义话语还未本土化的前共产党国家占据的中间地带,是资本主义实验正在进行的地带。当地人对市场空间的暧昧和踌躇态度,是一种通过对意识形态闭合性与不确定性的审美规避,而允许出现批评的“文化”与“政治”之间宏观政治张力的微观政治表述形式。

??? ???? ????? ???? ?? ??? ??? ??? ? ???? ? ??? ??? ??? ??? ??? ???????? ??? ???? ??? ????. ?? ?? ??? ???? ?? ???????? ?? ? ??? ???? ?? ???? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??????. 1989? ?? ???? ????? ???? ?? ? ??? ?? ??? ?? ??? ??? ?? ???????? ???? ????. ? ??? ??? ???? ??? ????? ???? ???? ????? ?? ??? ?? ???? ????. ? ???? ??? ?? ??? ??(??? ??)? ??? ?? ?? ? ?? ?? ??? ??? ???? ??? ??? ?? ??? ???? ?? ????. ??? ??? ???? ??? ?? ????? ?? ? ???? ???? ??? ??? ??? ???? ??? ???? ?? ?? ??? ??? ???. ????? ???? ???? ?????? ??? ??? ???? ????? ?? ??? ??? ??? ??? ????? ?? ‘??’? ‘??’ ?? ???? ??? ??? ??? ??-??? ????.     

Health-care Work in Globalization: News Reports on Care Worker Migration to Japan

Health-care worker migration has emerged as a social issue in Japan, contrary to it has in Indonesia. This article shows how national contexts affected by globalization have shaped social understandings and policies towards health-care worker migration in the two societies over time. Analyses of news coverage in the Japanese and Indonesian national media reveal a gap of social responses toward this change. The Japanese are more likely to respond negatively to health-care worker migration; yet they intend to face cross-cultural challenges, although slowly, making revisions to related policies. In contrast, in Indonesia, from where health-care workers migrate to Japan and many other countries, this tends to be understood positively, overall, as providing economic benefits and permitting Indonesian professionals to contribute to the worker shortage in Japan. I interpret these results based on the literature on health-care worker migration, emerging global norms and local changes, and comparative research on employment and care work. This study contributes to the sociological understanding of worker migration and health-care issues.     

埃及社会保障制度的出现及特征（上）

埃及近代社会保障制度在埃及的出现是西方残民主义的产物，但却是埃及社会结构与政治制度变化的需要，纳赛尔时期建立的体系化的现代社会保障制度是计划经济的产物，为巩固年轻共和国及社会各阶级的融合起到积极作用，其负面影响是忽视了经济效率，培养了国民依赖国家的意识，最终成为影响国民经济发展的桎梏。进入萨达特与穆巴拉克时代，对原社会保障制度进行了改革，建立了以市场经济为基础的新社会保障制度，稳定了埃及社会，促进了社会与经济的发展。但仍存在不少问题，需埃及今后花大力气解决，才能为经济改革保驾护航。     

The Demize of Comparative Sociology? Globalization and its Shadow

Abstract: Comparative sociology is stranded; as a result of globalization, it is losing the ground upon which it was built. In cross-national studies, a longstanding research tradition in sociology, globalization blurs the national in material and non-material ways, and thus erodes two fundamental principles any comparative studies need to obey: case independence and case comparability. Two familiar solutions—the nationalist approach and the globalist approach—do not work in the face of globalization. This paper argues instead that the emergent property approach and the variable approach, strategies that respect both global and national–local forces, are viable alternatives for future comparative sociologists to follow.     

入世后的中埃经贸关系

本文在对埃及市场、中埃经贸关系进行分析与回顾后，认为中国入世后的中埃经贸关系前景广阔，发展潜力巨大，它将在金融领域、旅游合作、服务业合作、直接投资和工程劳务合作等各领域全面展开，贸易量将逐渐扩大。但必须看到，入世后，由于受诸多不定因素的影响与制约，中埃经贸合作也将面对一系列新的挑战，并带来一些负面影响。     

Aestheticisation of Politics: From Fascism to Radical Democracy

The “aestheticisation of politics”, a term coined by Walter Benjamin, refers to a critique of various modes of politics considered to be irrational in leftist, critical theory. The critique ties aestheticised politics to fascism and capitalism, thereby precluding the conceptual possibility of a radical democratic aesthetic politics. This paper challenges that position first by working through Wolfgang Welsch’s semantic clarification of the term “aesthetics”, then by deriving different senses of “aestheticised politics” from the range of meanings given by Welsch. A typology of aestheticised politics, from fascist to communist, depicts the conceptual possibility of a radical democratic political aesthetics.     

Holding on to Steel: Pittsburgh Culture in the Age of Globalization

In the first half of the twentieth century, Pittsburgh stood at the crossroads of relentless work, immense industrial output, and immigrant culture. The city became notorious for immense steel output. Gone are the days of Pittsburgh as ‘hell with the lid taken off’, as the downfall of the steel industry made way for a post-industrial region now largely defined by the service sector. Many factors combined to bring about the decline of heavy industry in and around Pittsburgh, one of which was the process of globalization, found in increased competition abroad and the demand for technological improvements in steel manufacturing. Economic transformation and social dislocation resulted. Globalization triggered a drastic economic episode, which had lasting effects on Pittsburgh culture. The decline of industry in Pittsburgh in the 1980s altered the commercial makeup of the region, which spurred greater attention to industrial cultural markers. This paper argues that the downfall of industry eroded the foundational symbols on which Pittsburgh culture formed, leading to active attempts to preserve many of them.     

Creative Destruction and Globalization: The Rise of Massive Standardized Education Platforms

This paper describes how massive standardized education platforms have emerged as a result of globalization and the process of creative destruction. In education, creative destruction involves the initial development of a large number of educational standards, followed by cycles of the destruction of old standards and the creation of new ones. This leads to the narrowing and refinement of the standards until the key element of interoperability is achieved, thus allowing individuals or organizations to interact on a large scale. Examples are presented of standardized education platforms in the United States and globally.

While the objective and subjective knowledge systems are represented in the field of education, one danger is that standardized platforms may become homogenized around only the objective knowledge system, which seeks perfect efficiency. This may result in the exclusion of the subjective knowledge system, which argues that diversity and heterogeneity are needed to produce educational creativity and innovation. On the other hand, the platforms may be able to deliver much needed financial efficiency for K-12 public education systems, as well as providing a connection between the research data, which remains isolated in universities, and the practitioners in K-12 settings who need it.

Este artículo describe cómo las plataformas masivas de la estandarización de la educación ha surgido como resultado de la globalización y del proceso de una destrucción creativa. En la educación, la destrucción creativa implica el desarrollo inicial de un gran número de estándares educacionales seguido por ciclos de destrucción de estándares pasados y de la creación de los nuevos. Esto induce al estrechamiento y refinamiento de los estándares hasta que se alcanza el elemento clave de la interoperabilidad, y por lo tanto, permitiéndoles a los individuos u organizaciones que interactúen a una gran escala. Los ejemplos de plataformas de educación estandarizadas se presentan en los Estados Unidos y globalmente.

Mientras que los sistemas del conocimiento objetivo y subjetivo se presentan en el campo de la educación, uno de los peligros es que las plataformas estandarizadas puedan llegar a homogenizarse solamente alrededor del sistema de conocimiento objetivo, lo que busca una eficiencia perfecta. Esto puede resultar en una exclusión del sistema del conocimiento subjetivo, lo que sostiene que la diversidad y la heterogeneidad se necesitan para producir creatividad e innovación educacional. Por el otro lado, las plataformas pueden quizás proveer la eficiencia financiera necesaria para los sistemas de educación pública K-12, como también una conexión entre los datos de investigación que permanecen aislados en las universidades, y para los practicantes en los entornos de K-12 que la necesitan.

本文描述了作为全球化的结果和创造性毁灭过程的大规模的标准化的教育平台是怎样出现的。在教育领域,创造性毁灭涉及大量的教育标准的最初开发,然后伴随着旧的标准的毁灭和新的标准的建立的周期。这引致了标准的狭隘和精细,直到获取了互运性（interoperability）的关键元素为止,然后使个体或者组织大规模地互动。本文提供了一些美国和世界其它地方的标准化教育平台的案例。 在主观与客观两种知识系统在教育领域获得代表的同时,一个危险是,标准化的平台可能仅仅围绕着客观知识系统进行同质化,客观知识系统寻求完全的效率。这可能导致排除主观的知识系统。主观知识系统认为,为产生教育的创造性和创新,多样性和异质性是需要的。另一方面,平台可能为K-12公共教育系统提供十分需要的金融效率,以及提供仍然封闭在大学里的研究数据与需要这些数据的在K-12情景下的实干家之间的链接。

? ?? ???? ??? ??? ?? ???? ??? ???? ??? ??? ??????? ????. ???? ??? ??? ?? ?? ?? ??? ??? ??? ?? ??? ??? ??? ??? ?? ??? ????. ??? ??? ??? ???? ?????? ?? ????? ???? ???? ??? ??? ??? ??? ???? ????. ??? ??? ? ????? ???? ?? ????? ????.

????? ???? ?? ??? ?????? ??????, ? ?? ??? ????? ???? ??? ????? ???? ?????? ??. ??? ??? ????? ??? ??? ????. ??? ??? ????? ??? ???. ??? ??? ????? ???? ???? ??? ???? ??? ?? ?? ????? ????. ?? ??, ???? ??? ???? ?? ??? ??? ?? ??? ??? ??? ?? ???? ???? ?? ??? ?????? ?? ???? ??? ???? ???? ?? ?? ???.

Эта статья описывает появление массивных стандартизированных образовательных платформ в результате глобализации и процесса творческого разрушения. В сфере образования творческое разрушение предполагает инициацию разработки большого количества образовательных стандартов, с последующими циклами разрушения старых и создания новых. Пока ключевой элемент взаимодействия не будет достигнут, это приводит к сужению и уточнению стандартов, что позволяет отдельным лицам или организациям взаимодействовать в крупных масштабах. Приведены примеры стандартизированных образовательных платформ в Соединенных Штатах и ??во всем мире. В то время как в области образования представлены объективные и субъективные системы знаний, первейшей опасностью является то, что стандартизированные платформы могут гомогенизироваться только вокруг объективной системы знаний, которая стремится к идеальной эффективности. Это может привести к исключению субъективной системы знаний, которая утверждает, что разнообразие и неоднородность необходимы для создания творческого образовательного потенциала и инноваций. С другой стороны, платформы могут быть в состоянии обеспечить столь необходимую для системы общественного образования К-12 финансовую эффективность, а также связи между данным исследований, которые остаются изолированным в университетах, и практиками в настройках K-12, нуждающихся в этом.     

阿拉伯文学：全球化语境中的机遇与挑战

全球化对阿拉伯丈学的影响是多方面的。无论是从全球文化一体化还是全球文化多元化的角度来看，全球化都对阿拉伯丈学产生了积极的影响，使阿拉伯文学得到了极大的发展，文学的体裁、创作的手法都变得丰富多彩。但是，全球化对阿拉伯文学的负面影响也是显而易见的，它在一定程度上妨碍了阿拉伯文学对民族传统文化的发掘与表达。面对全球化的浪潮，阿拉伯文坛正在思考应对的策略。