What's in a Name? Distinguishing Between Routine Disclosure and Self‐Disclosure

A lack of specificity between two types of disclosure has emerged in research on adolescents’ relationship and communication with their parents. Researchers are obscuring the distinctions between self‐disclosure and routine disclosure (i.e., disclosure of their whereabouts and activities to parents). In this article, we describe where the problems have arisen and then outline the conceptual differences between the two. Illustrations of how the two types of disclosure overlap or co‐occur are provided to demonstrate how fruitful areas for future research can emerge from attending to the distinctions between these two constructs.     

Primitive Globalization? State and Locale in Neoliberal Global Engagement

Drawing widely from sociology, political science, and urban studies, this article introduces the term 'primitive globalization' in order to address issues of state and governance for localities that globalize within a national context. Suggested by the discussion of primitive accumulation in Marx's Capital , this conceptual frame highlights the ways in which states neither circumvented by globalization nor resistant to it may facilitate neoliberal globalization by 'separating' or disembedding social actors from conditions that otherwise impede short-term economic activity. This conception, which is considered primarily in relation to the United States, positions the state as both facilitator and victim of globalization, draws attention to state fragmentation and national politics, and places the role of the national state in the local state at the center of unstable linkages. It is suggested that under these conditions the national/local state may be caught between the roles of government and governance; for this reason, as well as others, contemporary globalization remains transitional.     

Globalization,the Celtic Tiger and social outcomes: is Ireland a model or a mirage?

Ireland's Celtic Tiger economic boom has merited a great deal of attention as a successful model for small and peripheral states in this era of globalization. This article offers an alternative reading through examining social outcomes and interrogating the Irish model in the light of them. It seeks to answer the question whether Ireland offers a model to be followed or whether what appears to be a model is, on closer inspection, a mirage. The article begins by outlining the nature of the Celtic Tiger and surveying the mainstream interpretation of how Ireland's success shows it to be a model of what can be achieved through capturing the benefits of globalization. It then identifies the nature of the Irish model, examining the role of ‘social partnership’ and outlining the argument that Ireland is a ‘flexible developmental state’. Having described the principal features of Ireland's economic success and the means used to achieve it, as seen by mainstream scholars, the article then examines in some detail the distributional outcomes of the Celtic Tiger. Questions these raise for the positive reading of the Irish model open a more critical examination of the features of the model linked to the social outcomes described. This leads to a discussion that seeks to more adequately characterize the nature of ‘social partnership’ and of the Irish state, utilizing the concept of the competition state. The article concludes that, on closer examination, the Irish model turns out not to be a model of successful development, but a model of capital accumulation. To this extent it is a mirage and a warning about the social costs of economic success in the era of neoliberal globalization.     

Globalization or glocalization? Community care in Taiwan and Britain

The initial fascination in the west with the economic achievements of the East Asian 'tiger economies' led to an increasing interest in their social welfare regimes. Theorizing on wide-scale socio-economic change might suggest that in occidental and oriental welfare regimes a process of convergence is underway, as a result of competitive pressures generated by the global economy and as part of the diffusion of social welfare discourses worldwide. A particular case of possible convergence, namely community care policies in Taiwan and Britain in the 1990s, is identified. However, despite superficial similarities in policy and practice developments a more careful examination suggests that, whilst they may be infused with similar rhetoric, the context and content of policy and practice in each country is radically different. This suggests the possibility that whilst the global economy will continue to act as a major constraint on social welfare development, with welfare discourses becoming increasingly globalized, the policy and practice which emerges will continue to be inflected by national contexts and mediated by existing country-specific institutional arrangements; a process of glocalization rather than globalization. Die anfängliche Faszination der ökonomischen Erfolge der ostasiatischen 'Tigerstaaten' auf den Westen hat zu einem verstärkten Interesse an ihrem sozialen und wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Regime geführt. Eine Theoretisierung der großformatigen sozio-ökonomischen Veränderungen könnte zu der Annahme führen, daß als Resultat des durch die globalisierte Ökonomie hervorgerufenen Wettbewerbsdrucks und z.T. durch die Ausbreitung wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Diskurse sowohl in den östlichen als auch in den westlichen Wohlfahrtsstaatsregimes sich ein Prozeß der Konvergenz durchstetzt. Dabei geht es hier um den spezifischen Fall einer möglichen Konvergenz der Sozialarbeit (Community care) in Taiwan und Großbritannien. Trotz der bei oberflächlicher Betrachtung scheinbaren Ähnlichkeiten auf der Ebene politischer und praktischer Entwicklungen zeigt eine gründlichere Untersuchung, daß die sich durchsetzenden Politiken und Praxen auch weiterhin durch den nationalstaatlichen Kontext gebrochen und durch bestehende länderspezifische institutionelle Arrangements mediatisiert werden - obwohl die globalisierte Ökonomie nach wie vor einen wesentlichen Zwang auf die Entwicklung des Wohlfahrtsstaates ausübt und die Diskurse über Wohlfahrt zunehmend globalisiert werden. Es handelt sich also eher um einen Prozeß der Glokalisierung denn um Globalisierung. La fasinación inicial del oeste por los logros económicos de los praises del este asiático (los 'tigres económicos') ha llevado a un interés creciente por sus regímenes de bienestar social. La teoría sobre el cambio socioeconómico a gran escala sugiere que los regímenes de bienestar occidentales y orientales, están en un proceso de convergencia debido a las presiones competitivas generadas por la economia global y como parte de la difusión mundial de los discursos de bienestar social. Se identifica un caso particular de posible convergencia en las política y desarrollos práticos, un examen cuidadoso sugiere que, aunque estén infundidas por una retórica similar, los contextos y contenidos politicos y prácticos en ambos paises son radicalmente diferentes. Esto sugiere la posibilidad de que, mientras que la economía global va a continuar actuando como una gran restricción para el desarrollo del bienestar social, con los discursos siendo cada vez más globales, la política y la prática emergentes seguirán siendo moduladas por los contextos nacionales y mediadas por los acuerdos institucionales especificos de cada país; un proceso de glocalización en lugar de globalización. La fascination initiale des Occidnetaux pour les accomplissements économiques des 'Tigres' de l'Extrême Orient les a conduit à s'intresser de plus près à leurs régimes de sécurité sociale. Si l'on théorise les changements socio-économiques à grande échelle, on peut supposer que les systèmes sociaux occidentaux et asiatiques convergent en raison des pressions exercées par la compétition économique mondiale et de la diffusion à travers le monde des discours sur la sécurité sociale. Les auteurs identifient un cas de possible convergence : les politiques d'aide communautaire à Taiwan et en Grande-Bretagne dans les années 90. Cependant un examen plus attentif des politiques et des pratiques laisse supposer que, même inspirées par une rhétorique similaire, le contexte dans lequel elles apparaissent et leur contenu dans chaque pays est radicalement différent, malgré des similitudes superficielles dans leur évolution. Il parait donc probable que les contextes nationaux et les instituions spécifiques à chaque pays continuent à infléchir politiques et pratiques, et ceci parallèlement aux contraintes majeures imposées à l'évolution des systèmrd sociaux par l'éonomie mondialisée, les discours sur le social devenant de plus en plus généraux.     

What's in a Name? The Implications of Diagnosis for People with Learning Difficulties and their Family Carers

Diagnosis plays a significant role in the shaping of individual identities and the quality of life for people with learning difficulties and their family carers. Diagnostic labels are constitutive of peoples' lives, in that they bring forth pathology, create problemsaturated stories and construct careers as patients and cases. Disabled identities of people with learning difficulties remain largely 'embodied' and within the definitional control of professionals. Whilst the acquisition of a learning difficulty label can open doors to resources, it can also lead to disrespectful and dehumanising treatment, and the severe restriction of opportunities. This paper argues that a social constructionist perspective can offer a way of thinking about diagnosis that challenges the so called 'facts' and 'truths' that underpin and support it. Working in partnership with people with learning difficulties in relation to diagnosis requires professionals to relinquish power by resisting the 'temptations of certainty' associated with diagnostic practices.     

Globalization and Its Countermovement: Marxian Contention or Polanyian Resistance?

This article surveys the scholarship on the countermovement against the diffusion of capitalism and market economy in the Global South. We identify two streams of analysis in the literature. On the one hand, scholars observe contentious politics instances where the spread of capitalist production relations enables the associational capacity and bargaining power of social classes. On the other hand, there are voluminous studies on contentious politics in the Global South where groups such as peasants, shopkeepers, and urban poor resist the intensification of the market economy. We use Beverly Silver's distinction between Marx‐type and Polanyi‐type protests, which focuses on how globalization makes and unmakes social groups, to unpack the heterogeneity of the impacts and experiences of globalization. We argue that although Silver's distinction is of great analytical value, there are strong warrants for separating the effects of the market economy from capitalism in studying contentious politics against globalization. Such an analytical strategy (i) expands the scope of the distinction between Marxian and Polanyian contention to social groups other than the working class and (ii) emphasizes that the roots of these struggles lie in the interconnected diffusion of capitalism and market economy.     

No contract or unfair contract: What's better?

We investigate the welfare implications of unfair incentive contracts in comparison with interactions without contracts. Reciprocal people should cooperate conditionally in the latter situation but punish unfairness by non-cooperation. We confirm that some people do cooperate conditionally in a sequential prisoner's dilemma. Furthermore, some subjects do not cooperate if they face an unfair incentive contract in a similar context. However, there is no correlation between these two types of reciprocity. At an aggregate level, all contracts – no matter how fair they are – improve welfare even if agents are conditionally cooperative.     

Global Transformations but Local, ‘Bubble’ Lives: Taking a Reality Check on Some Globalization Concepts

Several concepts and arguments have become an indispensable part of the standard discourse shared by globalization theorists and they point convincingly to real and deepening processes in global life. The paper suggests, however, that it is misleading and ultimately unproductive to assume that the vast majority of the world's non-elite population possess an equal grasp of these concepts, and the processes which they are designed to illuminate, or that they are able or willing to take appropriate actions in response. With this in mind, and drawing on some recent theoretical critiques and empirical studies, the discussion interrogates ideas about interconnectivity, mobility, de-territorialization and globality. In doing so it argues that we need to pay much more attention to the everyday subjective lives of ordinary people since these continue to be locked into affiliations and obligations constructed, inevitably, as much around place as flows and which remain partly dependent on co-present, primordial socialities despite their exposure to multiple globalizing influences.

Varios conceptos y argumentos se han convertido en parte indispensable del discurso convencional compartido por teóricos de la globalización, los cuales señalan en una manera convincente los procesos reales y cada vez más profundos en la vida global. El documento sugiere, sin embargo, que no es productivo asumir que la gran mayoría de la población que no pertenece a la élite posea un entendimiento equivalente sobre estos conceptos, así como de los procesos que se diseñaron para ilustrarlos, o que sean capaces o deseen tomar las acciones apropiadas como respuesta. Con esto en mente, y basándose en algunas críticas teóricas recientes así como en estudios empíricos, la discusión interroga sobre interconectividad, movilidad, desterritorialización y globalidad. Al hacerlo, argumenta que debemos prestar mucha más atención a la vidas diarias subjetivas de la gente común, puesto que éstas continúan ligadas a afiliaciones y obligaciones elaboradas inevitablemente, tanto alrededor del lugar como de los flujos y que continúan permaneciendo parcialmente dependientes a socialismos copresentes y primordiales a pesar de su exposición a diversas influencias a favor de la globalización.     

Global Studies—The Handmaiden of Neoliberalism?

Abstract

The field of global studies has gained momentum over the past 20 years and today occupies a significant presence within many universities. As a result, there is now a burgeoning array of institutional support for global studies scholarship. Perhaps not surprisingly, concurrent to such institution-building there has been a spate of essays engaged with the question ‘what is global studies?’ that have promoted lively debate and commentary. In this essay, I ask a rather different question which is ‘who gets to define global studies, and what is at stake in these kinds of delineating efforts?’ I argue that debate about global studies demands the inclusion of multiple voices and perspectives from around the world. I conclude by urging global studies scholars to be deliberately conscious of their taken-for-granted assumptions with respect to power and the related capacity to speak for others from the global south and east who are largely still absent in defining this new field of inquiry.     

The Social Studies—a Slogan or a Service

This article discusses the role that teacher educators can play in helping their students develop a fuller understanding of world history. Trends such as globalization have led to calls for increased teaching about the diverse cultures and peoples of the world. However, prospective teachers’ educational backgrounds have in most cases not adequately prepared them to teach world history effectively. The article begins with a discussion of the historical evolution of the course in world history; it then defines different approaches to this field, and concludes by providing suggestions for how teacher educators can help their students bring a true version of world history to their classrooms.     

What's in a Name? Causes and Consequences of Labelling Minorities as “National” or “Migrant”: Roma in Italy and Spain

This article analyses how Roma are represented in official policy narratives in Italy and Spain by comparing the four cycles of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in the two countries. By tracing the representations that the Italian and Spanish governments hold (and make) about the Roma, I sketch out the different categories that EU‐ropean countries recur to as organizing principles to “other” underprivileged minorities. Based on the tailored‐approaches in which both Italy and Spain engage in framing Roma as either a “national” minority or not, I suggest that constructing or “producing” a minority in our imagined communities as characterized by national, cultural, social or migrant characteristics relies more on political expediency than on objective analytical categories.