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1.
《Journal of Social Work Practice》2012,26(1):95-102
This article suggests that ‘race’ and psychiatry are inextricably linked and as such ‘mental illness’ constitutes a precondition of black people's psyche. Postmodernist and poststructuralist analysis are used to question the way in which mental health problems have been socially constructed in western psychiatry. In order for health and social care workers to effectively respond to racism within psychiatry and community care provision it is necessary for them to understand the relationship that exists between and informs ‘race’ and psychiatry. 相似文献
2.
Poetics of cartography: globalism and the “oil enclave” in Ibiwari Ikiriko’s Oily Tears of the Delta
Philip Aghoghovwia 《Social Dynamics》2017,43(1):32-45
This paper examines the ways in which ideas and discourses generated by global phenomena (such as the Oil Encounter) travel and get reframed in local topographies. It asks how one might reposition hermeneutics appropriate to a particular context without falling into the trap of an epistemology that is purportedly global but representing other interests? The environment in which crude oil is extracted has been termed heterogeneous and international. Amitav Ghosh describes it as one that is “lacking in a sense of place,” while James Ferguson considers it an “insular and socially thin neoliberal landscape of deregulated enterprises.” This paper goes against the grain by challenging the formations that undergird some of these assumptions. It takes the Niger Delta as a landscape in which quotidian life and the oil infrastructure are intimately intertwined and asks what insights might literary depictions of this context give about the form of globalism that operates within the industrial complex through which oil is extracted. Reading Ibiwari Ikiriko’s poetry collection Oily Tears of the Delta, the paper reflects on how the text stages a dialogue with the global by addressing itself to the oil infrastructure in that environment. It discusses Ikiriko’s poetry as one that encourages the reader to think about locality and geopolitics as possible sites of conflict, as sites of understanding power and the kinds of agency that they enable in the environments where oil is extracted to feed global consumption. 相似文献
3.
This article analyses Margarethe von Trotta’s film Hannah Arendt: The Woman Who Saw Banality in Evil through its protagonist’s own writings on visual culture, visibility and invisibility in the context of political thinking. We start by clarifying Arendt’s understanding of political theory as an activity aiming to provoke thinking. We then discuss systematically the visual language of the film and offer a typology of its representations of political thinking, subdivided into a part on internalisation and one on externalisation (dialogue). We emphasise von Trotta’s reliance on a negative approach, i.e. the representation of thinking through the absence of any other activity while thinking, capitalising on the power of the invisible. However, the film and its director do not entirely succeed in engaging viewers politically. This is so because, first, the film’s lack of conceptual innovation renders difficult the emergence of subject positions on the part of viewers other than consumers of established opinion. Secondly, the film insufficiently audio-visualises the external-communicative dimension of Arendt’s political thinking: a dialogue in which viewers can participate and in the course of which what seemed to be established through political thinking gets deconstructed and subsequently re-ordered. Finally, we emphasise the importance of a cinema of thinking in our current political environment that seems to be increasingly characterised precisely by the absence of political thinking. 相似文献
4.
Mark Cohen 《Theory and Society》2014,43(2):139-168
In the 1860s and 1870s, the feudal monarchy of the Tokugawa shogunate, which had ruled Japan for over two centuries, was overthrown, and the entire political order it had commanded was dismantled. This immense political transformation, comparable in its results to the great social revolutions of the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries in the West, was distinctive for lacking a major role for mass political mobilization. Since popular political action was decisive elsewhere for both providing the force for social revolutions to defeat old regimes and for pushing revolutionary leaders to more radical policies, the Meiji Restoration’s combination of revolutionary outcomes with conservative personnel and means is puzzling. This article argues that previous accounts fail to explain why a group of relatively low-status samurai—administrative functionaries with some hereditary political privileges but in fact little secure power within the old regime—was able to overcome far more deeply entrenched political actors. To explain this, it is necessary to distinguish clearly between two political processes: the long-standing political relations of feudal monarchy and magnate lords and the unprecedented emergence of independent samurai political action and organizations cutting across domain boundaries. It was the interaction of these two processes that produced the overthrow of the Tokugawa and enabled the revolutionary outcomes that followed it. This article’s revised explanation of the Meiji Restoration clearly places it within the same theoretical parameters as the major revolutions of the seventeenth century and later. 相似文献
5.
Karen Exell 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2017,24(1):19-25
After a brief discussion of the rapidly changing international museum world in Doha, this response piece engages with Peggy Levitt’s arguments around cultural armature and the role of museums in managing a city’s diversity, focusing on Doha, Qatar. Given the dominant migrant foreign population (88 per cent) and the careful protection of national citizenship in Qatar, the role of museums in managing diversity presents a situation that contrasts with older nation states: rather than encouraging inclusion, the museums in Qatar and the Arabian Peninsula states play a role in constructing and protecting a pure concept of national identity on behalf of a minority citizen population that deliberately fails to embrace any notion of diversity. This piece uses brief case studies to illustrate this process of exclusion, expanding Levitt’s original argument. 相似文献
6.
Barbara Geddes 《Theory and Society》2018,47(5):595-601
In this comment, I highlight similarities between Russia’s contemporary political system and other post-Cold War dictatorships. Most modern dictatorships hold semi-competitive elections. That is, regime officials face competition in elections, but playing fields are tilted so as to leave little suspense about who will win. I suggest that semi-competitive elections and the encouragement of litigation by citizens against local and regional officials, as described by Thornhill and Smirnova (Accepted/In press), have similar functions from the dictator’s point of view. They help the ruling elite with monitoring and controlling local officials whose behavior might otherwise alienate citizens enough to threaten the dictatorial elite with overthrow. Thus the real benefits citizens receive from the increased use of the courts to resolve disputes and electoral competition among politicians are counterbalanced by the contribution these institutions make to the prolongation of dictatorship. 相似文献
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Anne-Marie Callus 《Disability & Society》2014,29(1):1-15
The main aim of this article is to adapt the Typology of Disability Organisations that Oliver devised, and subsequently developed further in 1990, to a different context, in this case the Maltese disability sector. The paper first traces the history of the disabled people’s movement and presents Oliver’s Typology, which makes a clear distinction between organisations for and of disabled persons. The article then highlights the main characteristics of the Maltese disability sector and develops the Typology of the organisations operating within that sector. It shows how it is non-disabled people that are mostly in control of disability organisations, and suggests ways in which there can be a stronger movement towards the development and strengthening of disabled people’s organisations. The article shows how Oliver’s Typology can be used flexibly and adapted to various contexts. It also shows how drawing up a Typology of Disability Organisations can shed light on the environment within which these organisations operate, identifying areas of strength and possible areas for growth. 相似文献
9.
Zsuzsa Hetenyi 《East European Jewish Affairs》2013,43(2):143-158
Jews were strangers when they started to live within the borders of Tsarist Russia at the end of the eighteenth century, and they continued to be outsiders even when the integration, acculturation and assimilation process went on. The guest‐motif is an essential element of the home and exile dichotomy, often quoted in general terms, but rarely investigated closer in the texts. This motif may represent a special interest in Russian‐Jewish literature as one of the more emblematic topics of literature on assimilation that became a paradigm. The panoramic overview of the motif includes prose works by Iakov Rombro, Grigory Bogrov, Aleksandr Kipen, David Aizman, Andrei Sobol, Lev Lunts, Isaak Babel, Vladimir Jabotinsky and Friedrich Gorenshtein. 相似文献
10.
Alison Stone 《Studies in Gender and Sexuality》2016,17(4):254-261
This article is a response to Rozmarin’s re-reading of the biblical story of Lot’s wife in her article “Staying Alive” (this issue). I begin by filling out the intellectual background to and rationale for Rozmarin’s project, which is to re-interpret this story as offering an alternative to the Western cultural law of matricide. I consider some further alternative meanings contained in the figures of Lot’s wife and daughters inspired by but not wholly in agreement with Rozmarin. I conclude by returning to broader questions about the feminist project of stealing female figures from texts of the patriarchal tradition. 相似文献
11.
Liz Lloyd Michael Calnan Ailsa Cameron Jane Seymour Randall Smith Kate White 《International Journal of Social Research Methodology》2013,16(6):647-658
AbstractThis article discusses findings from a qualitative longitudinal study of dignity in later life, which focused on the perspectives of older people at a time when their need for help and support was increasing as a result of long-term illness. It reflects critically on the methodology for its ability to generate knowledge about this eventful and unstable period of the life-course. It is argued that a longitudinal qualitative approach provides the optimum conditions for researching older people’s perspectives on their health and illness as well as on their experiences of being helped and supported. It sheds light on the changes they faced in their relationships, their home environments and their daily lives as well as how they dealt with these changes while maintaining their dignity. 相似文献
12.
Bey-Ling Sha 《Journal of Public Relations Research》2013,25(5-6):179-183
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Andrew Asibong 《Studies in Gender and Sexuality》2018,19(3):183-187
This article is a response, in cinematic, historical, and autobiographical terms, to Emily Green’s “Melanie Klein and the Black Mammy: An Exploration of the Influence of the Mammy Stereotype on Klein’s Maternal and Its Contribution to the ‘Whiteness’ of Psychoanalysis.” The author attempts to open up Green’s analysis to a wide range of aesthetic, emotional, and political implications, moving between a consideration of the “passing” motif in Douglas Sirk’s film Imitation of Life (1959); thoughts on racialization and trauma in psychoanalytic history more generally; and reflections on the author’s own experiences of racialization and collective disavowal in psychotherapeutic training. 相似文献
15.
Sourabh Singh 《Theory and Society》2012,41(5):479-504
This article employs Bourdieu??s notion of symbolic capital to explain how Indira Gandhi gained legitimacy in Indian politics. It reveals that, in spite of having belonged to the politically illustrious Nehru family, Gandhi suffered numerous indignities as a minister in the immediate post-Nehruvian period because the incumbent political elite at the time, the Syndicate, devalued the symbolic value of her family-name-based-capital of mass popularity. In the meantime, changes in the clientelistic relations between the landed and landless caste groups had created conditions for the failure of the Syndicate??s claim that their capital of popularity among politicians was the symbolic capital of the Indian political field. Aware of social changes taking place in the countryside, Gandhi took advantage of her access to the symbolic power of the state offices to classify the landless caste groups as garib (poor) in order to defeat the Syndicate electorally. Having established her capital of popularity among the masses as the symbolic capital of the Indian political field, she cemented its status by using her control over ruling party leaders?? access to state offices and simultaneously creating a new classification of a competent leader in the ruling party. This study contributes to the existing studies of leadership, especially leadership by women, and the legitimacy-gaining process by revealing the role of contest among the elite over the meaning of symbolic capital in creating or destroying their respective authority. 相似文献
16.
Celia Roberts Imogen Tyler Candice Satchwell Jo Armstrong 《Social movement studies》2016,15(4):417-430
This article reports on an ethnographic study of the UK’s largest health advocacy organisation dedicated to pregnancy, childbirth and parenting, the National Childbirth Trust or NCT. Working from interview data, textual materials and fieldnotes, we articulate three key phases in the NCT’s historically shifting relationships to feminism, medicine, the state and neoliberal capitalism. The concept of folded cause regimes is introduced as we examine how these phases represent the hybridisation of the organisation’s original cause. We argue that for the NCT the resulting multiplicity of cause regimes poses significant challenges, but also future opportunities. The apparent contradictions between cause regimes offer important insights into contemporary debates in the sociology of health and illness and raises critical questions about the hybrid state of health advocacy today. Focussing on cause allows for a deeper understanding of the intense pressures of diversification, marketisation and the professionalisation of dissent faced by third-sector organisations under current social and economic conditions. 相似文献
17.
Partnership working involving providers and users of social services is highly valued as a means to inform research and practice, yet its effectiveness is debated. Frameworks for measuring and evaluating partnerships are developed, but still there is a need to shed light on micro-practices to gain insight in how partnerships succeed or fail to reach their goals. The context for this qualitative study is a Norwegian governmental funded program, where one goal was promotion of structures for equal collaboration between social work education, research, social service providers and users. The study investigates one local partnership project and how conflicts influenced processes and outcomes. Conflicts were related to the leadership of the group. With a particular look at users’ participation, the findings indicate how emergence and negotiations of conflicts were related to their empowering processes as the project developed. The study underscores the importance of acknowledging conflicts and how these may be complex and interwoven with empowering processes when users are involved, as well as the need to critically examine issues on leadership. The study supports the importance of ethnographic studies in order to understand how a partnership might deliver, as this approach enables enhanced understanding of micro-practices and internal power dynamics. 相似文献
18.
Federico Alagna 《International migration (Geneva, Switzerland)》2024,62(2):215-231
Since 2014, numerous people on the move have been accused of migrant smuggling in Italian courts for steering makeshift vessels or for assisting in navigation across the Mediterranean Sea. This is the case regardless of the fact that such behaviour was the result of coercion or threats. In this contribution, drawing upon extensive empirical research and following a socio-legal paradigm, I first explore the criminalization of people on the move in relation to migrant smuggling charges in the years following the so-called 2014–2015 refugee crisis and discuss the impact on their rights. Second, I tackle the issue from a policy perspective, considering three potential EU/national policy reforms and the ways in which they could successfully address an existing policy problem. Such reforms vary in scope, from a damage limitation logic to a fully fledged change of paradigm, and the three can be described as follows: alignment of EU and national frameworks with the United Nations Protocol against migrant smuggling; a more significant differentiation between migrant smuggling and the facilitation of undocumented migration; and an explicit exoneration from criminal liability for people on the move accused of migrant smuggling. This article presents innovative insights, providing on the one hand an up-to-date empirical understanding of this form of criminalization of people on the move and, on the other, extensive reflections on the way in which policy reforms could prevent it. 相似文献
19.
Eric Harwit 《Chinese Journal of Communication》2017,10(3):312-327
This article traces the development of the Chinese social media app WeChat from its origins to its current role as a leading communications tool for some 600 million Chinese citizens. It analyzes the ways the small-group oriented app is changing China’s social connections, as it enhances trusted, personal contacts while transforming opportunities for larger online group formation. The article assesses methods the Chinese Government employs to monitor and control WeChat communication, and provides a case-focus study. It also considers the apolitical features, in particular, those related to entertainment and personal social relations, which have made important contributions to WeChat’s great popularity. 相似文献
20.
S. Suryanarayan 《Asian Journal of Social Science》2022,50(1):53-61
This article is set in a gated enclave of the new elite in Mysuru (formerly Mysore) city in the state of Karnataka in South India. Mysuru is a growing information technology centre that it is also undergoing urban transformation which includes international style fortified neighbourhood developments suitable for this class of highly qualified, globally mobile wealthy professionals predominantly engaged in the information technology sector. Residents in the neighbourhood seem to live in a world of their own, where they set their own rules and enforce their own sanctions. They have chosen to stay there to segregate themselves from the world outside. Ensconced in their comfortable high walled enclosures, they nevertheless allow the entry of a much polarized lower class into their homes as workers for various services, for sheer need of sustaining the grandeur of their daily lives. The neighbourhood association has become a powerful corporate and a potent tool for expression of everyday power.Using participant observation, interviews, narrative lore and other qualitative measures, the article probes the psyche of the new elite, their interaction with service classes, and the dynamics of power in the enclave. Narrating one incident as the prism that deflects several strands in the complex web of relationships, I have demonstrated the power of the residents’ welfare association as experienced, expressed and enacted in the everyday in that domain. I have argued that this power gets augmented through the fortification and essentially draws from ownership and control over spatial arrangements. 相似文献