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1.
本文在对全球化缘起及国际关系格局变化进行全面论述的基础上,以大量事实说明全球化对中东各领域发展的影响及美、苏在中东地区的争夺.同时,对前苏联解体后,美国独霸世界的新形势下未来中东国际关系的发展趋势进行了阐述. 相似文献
2.
经济全球化是世界经济发展的必然趋势。随着这一趋势的不断走强,中东国家越来越深刻地认识到,只有增强自身的经济实力,提高竞争力,才是国家生存、实现经济与社会的稳定和持续发展的根本保障。石油产业是多数中东产油国社会经济的重要组成部分。中东国家为实现经济来源多样化,实施石油发展策略,以增强在经济全球化过程中参与国际竞争的能力,是势在必然,不断调整和完善其石油战略,则是增强自身竞争力的一个实践过程。 相似文献
3.
阿拉伯文学:全球化语境中的机遇与挑战 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
全球化对阿拉伯丈学的影响是多方面的。无论是从全球文化一体化还是全球文化多元化的角度来看,全球化都对阿拉伯丈学产生了积极的影响,使阿拉伯文学得到了极大的发展,文学的体裁、创作的手法都变得丰富多彩。但是,全球化对阿拉伯文学的负面影响也是显而易见的,它在一定程度上妨碍了阿拉伯文学对民族传统文化的发掘与表达。面对全球化的浪潮,阿拉伯文坛正在思考应对的策略。 相似文献
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Habibul Haque Khondker 《Globalizations》2013,10(5):675-679
This article examines the role of the new media in the ‘Arab Spring’ in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. It argues that although the new media is one of the factors in the social revolution among others such as social and political factors in the region, it nevertheless played a critical role especially in light of the absence of an open media and a civil society. The significance of the globalization of the new media is highlighted as it presents an interesting case of horizontal connectivity in social mobilization as well signaling a new trend in the intersection of new media and conventional media such as television, radio, and mobile phone. One of the contradictions of the present phase of globalization is that the state in many contexts facilitated the promotion of new media due to economic compulsion, inadvertently facing the social and political consequences of the new media. Este artículo examina el papel de los nuevos medios en ‘la primavera árabe’ en la región del Medio Oriente y Norte de África (MENA, por sus siglas en inglés). Sostiene que aunque los nuevos medios hacen parte de los factores en la revolución social entre otros, como los factores sociales y políticos en la región, aun así, jugaron un papel muy importante especialmente en vista de la ausencia de medios independientes y una sociedad civil. La importancia de la globalización de los nuevos medios se hace resaltar al presentar un interesante cado de conectividad horizontal en la movilización social como también al señalar una nueva intersección de nuevos medios y medios convencionales como la televisión, la radio y el celular. Una de las contradicciones de la fase actual de la globalización es que el estado en muchos contextos, facilitó la promoción de un nuevo medio debido a la compulsión económica, afrontando inadvertidamente las consecuencias sociales y políticas de los nuevos medios. 本文考察发生在西亚北非地区的“阿拉伯之春”中新兴媒体的角色。文章认为尽管新兴媒体同其他政治和社会的因素一样,是该地区发生社会革命的因素之一,但却扮演了至关重要的角色,尤其是在缺乏开放的媒体和公民社会的条件下。由于代表了一种在社会动员中建立水平连通的有趣事例并同时预示着新兴媒体和传统媒体(如电视、电台和移动电话)交叉的新趋势,新兴媒体全球化的重要性被凸显出来。全球化现阶段的矛盾之一就是,在很多不同环境下国家由于经济强制而促进了新兴媒体发展,却正无奈地面对新兴媒体带来的社会和政治后果。 相似文献
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Clemens Breisinger Xinshen Diao Marie‐Helen Collion Pierre Rondot 《Development policy review : the journal of the Overseas Development Institute》2011,29(2):155-184
Yemen is an oil‐exporting and food‐importing country with the highest levels of poverty in the Middle East and North Africa. The impacts of the triple crisis are likely to further complicate pre‐existing conditions of conflict, oil depletion and governance failure. Using a dynamic CGE model, this article finds that oil‐driven growth in 2008 dominated the negative growth impacts of the food crisis, but that growth was not pro‐poor. The financial crisis of 2009 slowed growth sharply and raised the poverty rate to 42.8%, up from 34.8% in 2005/6. Poverty continues to be higher in rural areas, where almost half the population live in poverty. 相似文献
7.
Brandon Gorman 《Sociological Forum》2019,34(1):91-114
Many scholars argue that local cultures are an impediment to the diffusion of “global” norms. Others point out that local populations domesticate global cultural elements by integrating them into preexisting cultures, generating hybridized systems. In the current study, I argue that local cultures are not necessarily impediments to cultural change and hybridization is only one aspect of cultural domestication. Instead, I find that individuals attribute global norms to local cultural objects as a means for disassociating putatively universal norms from the powerful actors that dominate international politics. I illustrate this process using the case of support for shari?a (sometimes called Islamic law) in majority‐Muslim countries. Results of multimethod analyses show that with the exception of attitudes about gender roles and sexuality, Muslims who support implementing shari?a do not systematically object to many so‐called global norms; in fact, they may express more enthusiasm about democracy, tolerance for people of other religions, optimism about scientific advances, and concern for environmental preservation than those who oppose implementing shari?a. Likewise, many Muslims assert their full participation in global society on terms not dictated by Western actors by repackaging ostensibly universal norms as components of the unambiguously local shari?a. 相似文献
8.
Studies on ethnic movements have largely overlooked the global dimensions of ethnic social movements. Drawing on social movement theories and the world culture approach, I argue that linkage to global civil society gives rise to ethnic mobilization because it diffuses models of claim-making based on human rights ideas, while intergovernmental networks suppress ethnic mobilization as they enhance state power and authority. Tobit analyses on violent and nonviolent ethnic mobilizations show that, controlling for domestic factors, linkage to global civil society raises the potential for ethnic social movements, while intergovernmental networks do not have a strong impact on ethnic mobilization. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTPublic relations has a critical role in addressing culture difference and enhancing research outreach. An analysis of practice, education and research in Middle East provides an exemplar of the need to move the discipline’s scholarship from global isolation to cultural inclusivity. A review of current scholarship in the discipline's journals documents the preeminence of “Western” theory. Research with culturally collaborative studies of media, culture, technology, and society is needed to provide global perspectives. The paper argues five initiatives are needed next steps for the discipline to achieve global inclusivity: * Enhance research collaboration – Culturally collaborative studies of media, culture, technology, and society are needed to provide global perspectives in our discipline. *Address bilingual scholarship – Public relations theory needs to acknowledge varied traditions and methodologies. Research journals need Middle Eastern faculty editorial board members and need to explore translation options. *Align research with the profession – Globally, public relations research needs qualitative understanding. Cultural differences often regress quantitative analysis to meaningless implications for both theory and practice. *Assess curriculum globalization – Educators need to increase cultural content in courses. Textbooks are needed that reflect the globalization of the field from multiple perspectives. *Develop international accreditation standards – An accreditation model based on bilingual, global, and contemporary careers in the discipline is needed. International accreditation site teams must include bilingual members. 相似文献
10.
全球化对阿拉伯文学的影响是多方面的.无论是从全球文化一体化还是全球文化多元化的角度来看,全球化都对阿拉伯文学产生了积极的影响,使阿拉伯文学得到了极大的发展,文学的体裁、创作的手法都变得丰富多彩.但是,全球化对阿拉伯文学的负面影响也是显而易见的,它在一定程度上妨碍了阿拉伯文学对民族传统文化的发掘与表达.面对全球化的浪潮,阿拉伯文坛正在思考应对的策略. 相似文献
11.
阿拉伯世界的政治社会动荡有着复杂的内外原因,动荡可能开启阿拉伯世界寻求新发展道路的历史时代,但由乱到治尚须时日.动荡对中东格局和美国主导中东事务能力产生广泛影响,但美国主导地位并未根本动摇. 相似文献
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Jill Wittrock Linda Kimmel Brian Hunscher Kien Trung Le 《International Journal of Social Research Methodology》2013,16(6):737-748
AbstractProxy reporting is a common practice during survey data collection to increase response rates while reducing fieldwork costs, and agreement between proxies and self-reports is critical to make reliable and valid inferences. This study is the first to unpack what influences proxy accuracy in a non-Western setting using data from the 2012 Qatar Education Study. We find that agreement is a function of a student’s grade in school, grades, a parent’s level of education, and the interaction between immigration status and parent education. These findings suggest in multicultural contexts, agreement may vary based on factors beyond what is typically accounted when examining the components of reporting error as a result of using proxies over self-reports. 相似文献
13.
Objectives: The objective of this study was to collate the level of sexual and reproductive health knowledge, awareness, attitudes, and behavior among female university students, in addition to identifying their sources of information in Middle Eastern and North African countries. Methods: A systematic review was conducted with a search in Medline, EMBASE, Web of Knowledge, PsycINFO, and CINAHL from inception to February 2013. Included were studies in any language describing sexual and reproductive health knowledge and attitudes among female university students. Results: Nine studies were included, and all were cross-sectional surveys. There was a general lack of knowledge of sexual and reproductive health. The highest knowledge levels reported were for HIV. Conclusions: There are deficiencies in sexual and reproductive health knowledge and behavior in Middle Eastern and North African countries. Studies are needed to evaluate how to provide culturally sensitive sexual and reproductive health information. 相似文献
14.
Laura MacDonald 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2013,15(2):151-172
The article examines the responses of women's movements in Canada, the United States and Mexico to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) from a comparative perspective. It argues that while some women's groups have raised important critiques of trade agreements from a feminist perspective, they have largely failed to make the gendered dimension of regionalization visible in public debate on NAFTA and have had virtually no impact on public policy. The nature of the women's movements in the three countries limited the possibilities of greater contestation of the form of economic liberalization at both the national and transnational levels. Drawing upon the literature on social movements, the article suggests that the ability of women's movements to respond to NAFTA was conditioned by: (1) the shifting universe of political discourse in each country - whether it permits the identification of macroeconomic policy as a gender issue - which is conditioned in part by the diverse forms of engagement with liberalism as a political philosophy in each country, and (2) the organizational structure of women's movements in each country, their relationships with their respective states, and their role within broader coalitions. 相似文献
15.
Olle Frödin 《International Review of Sociology》2013,23(1):221-242
This paper discusses the question of when generalizations risk compromising the utility and accuracy of a theory and seeks to show how a balance can be struck between generalized and context-specific analyses in disciplines like international sociology, political economy, and comparative politics. For this purpose, the paper reviews three theoretical approaches to agri-food system change, placed at different levels on the ladder of generality. It then considers these approaches in relation to India's changing agri-food system. Finally, the paper discusses the general and the particularistic features of the Indian case and examines their implications for theories relating to global governance and international political economy. 相似文献
16.
Globalization has made it increasingly necessary to break with nation-state centered analysis in macrosociologies. Social structure is becoming transnationalized, and an epistemological shift is required in concurrence with this ontological change. A new interdisciplinary transnational studies should be predicated on a paradigmatic shift in the focus of social inquiry from the nation-state as the basic unit of analysis to the global system as the appropriate unit. Sociology's fundamental contribution to a transnational studies should be the study oftransnational social structure. This article does not establish a new transnational paradigm. Rather, it surveys and critiques nation-state-centrism in extant paradigms, provides a rationale for a new transnational approach, and proposes a research curriculum of a new transnational studies that may contribute to paradigmatic reconceptualization. 相似文献
17.
Yomna Elsayed 《Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations》2018,29(4):819-831
With a history of civic associations turned political, and an ongoing sociopolitical transformation in Egypt, social entrepreneurship (SE) has proliferated as an alternative to traditional forms of civic engagement such as charities on one hand and open activism on the other. Yet, situated between a desire for change, and the overpowering state and market logics, SE has been both limited and shaped by neoliberal and local-authoritarian visions. Using Egypt as the case, this study combines in-depth interviews with civil society practitioners, and field observation at an SE incubator, to examine how SE came to embody a desire for change using publicly sanctioned logics, all while enacting practices that preserve/revitalize a social movement in abeyance. By examining SE as part of a larger phenomenon in this particular moment of transition, this timely research allows us to investigate a link between social movements and SE not as two separate phenomena but as different ways of approaching the same thing: creating social transformation. 相似文献
18.
Eduardo Gudynas 《Globalizations》2016,13(6):938-942
AbstractCurrent global climate change negotiations face some contradictions that are not always addressed as they are considered politically incorrect. These include, first, the decoupling of commitments for planetary environmental policies with the actual national strategies. A relevant example is the Bolivian administration, which presents a strong rhetoric for biospheric Mother Earth Rights, but its national development strategies generate more environmental impacts and weaken enforcement at the local level. Second, the core ideas and beliefs that explain development varieties that generate climate change are deeply rooted, so changes in political ideologies, either from traditional ‘left’ or ‘right’, do not determine policies to effectively overcome climate change. Third, accumulation of scientific information is not enough to promote the necessary changes, because these deep roots conditioned perceived and acceptable alternatives. Fourth, this lead to tensions among the pursuit of economic financial globalization, the sovereignty of the nations-states, democracy, and the basement of global environmental conservation. This is a quadrilemma, because if one or two of these objectives are pursued, at least one other is violated. Nevertheless, international negotiations rest on wishful thinking that this is possible. Uncovering these contradictions is politically incorrect for many realms. 相似文献
19.
Diane Elson 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2013,15(4):623-642
This article considers the strengths and weaknesses of attempts to 'engender' government budgets in the context of globalization, drawing on my own personal engagement in such attempts, and on the work of many gender budget initiatives (GBIs) all around the world. GBIs have sought to improve the distribution, adequacy and impact of government budgets at national, regional and local levels; and to secure greater transparency in the use of public money; and greater accountability to women as citizens. Their spread has itself been an example of globalization, in this case the globalization of action for gender justice; facilitated by e-mail, the Internet and air travel; supported by international foundations and international development cooperation funds. But, it may be argued, GBIs have begun to engage with government budgets just at the time when governments, especially in the South, have less and less control over public finance decisions, due to other aspects of globalization. This article considers whether there is any point in GBIs if economic power lies in international markets, rather than in the Ministry of Finance, and draws on examples from a wide variety of countries. 相似文献
20.
Cheryl Lousley 《Globalizations》2016,13(3):310-328
AbstractThe formal conventions of global humanitarianism when performed as melodrama, structured around temporal devices such as peripeteia, deferral, delay, and missed chances, reveal some of its affect-making roles in globalization. The melodramatic flourishing of Live Aid commemorative events and commodities in the twenty-first century suggests there is a melancholic attachment to Euro-American global hegemony, retroactively and repetitively constructed as a missed chance to do good that always meant well. The melodramatic enactment at Live 8 of the ‘end’ of global poverty promised by Live Aid patches over the discontinuities between the era of development internationalism and neoliberal globalization, creating a moralized image of Euro-American globalization as a ‘long-standing’ form of humanitarian power that can be lamented in place of confronting the absence of any alternative explanatory framework for escalating processes of uneven development. By suspending time, melodrama creates a fantasmatic site for aspiration, ambivalence, melancholy, and nostalgia without resolving their contradictions. 相似文献