Toward a Synthesis of the Theories of Peripheral Nationalism: A Comparative Study of China's Xinjiang and Guangdong

The central question of this article is: why is peripheral nationalism virtually non-existent in Guangdong but has long been a problem in Xinjiang? Existing theories are inadequate for answering this question. They are tailored to either wealthy or poor regions, but not both. They also fail to explain the absence of nationalism in Guangdong and its presence in Xinjiang. In this article, I propose a model that can explain peripheral nationalism in both wealthy and poor regions. The model incorporates two key variables, elite status and national identity. Specifically, I argue that if the elites from the peripheral region can hold important positions in the central government and if the peripheral residents identify themselves with the core nation, the probability of nationalist movements will be low. On the other hand, if their elites are excluded from high office in the central government and if their people do not identity themselves with the core nation, the probability of nationalist movements will be high. The model succeeds in explaining the cases of Xinjiang and Guangdong.     

“I was discriminated against because I was seen as PRC-Chinese”: The negotiation between ethnicity and nationalism among Taiwanese migrants in Australia

Research on race and ethnicity has focused on conditions under which solidarity will be developed to consolidate collective benefits. For example, facing racial discrimination can bring large-scale affiliations (e.g., people of color, Latinos, or Asians) to fight against racial injustice. Focusing on the negotiation and struggle between ethnicity and nationalism among Taiwanese migrants in Australia—a politicizing context associated with a prior definition of Chinese category, despite inherent differences within it, this article shows the complexity of ethnicity when ethnic identity/solidarity intersects with nationalism and racial discrimination. I argue that Taiwanese migrants attach specific meanings to the ethnic (Chinese) category and constantly connect to and shift its boundaries in different contexts. Meanwhile, they also make a distinction between racial discrimination from white Australians and political hostility from PRC-Chinese. This article proposes a procedural and contextual understanding of ethnic identity, solidarity, nationalism, and boundary making/unmaking within the Chinese category as it is enacted in Taiwanese migrants' everyday lives. It also examines situational variability in the salience of ethnic identifications, racialization of the ethnic category, and people's interpretation of ethnic and national identity when facing racial discrimination.     

Historicising Activism in Late Colonial and Post-Colonial Sub-Saharan Africa

Despite Africa's reputation as a place of political repression and limited popular agency, activism and popular mobilisation have been central to political change in colonial and post-colonial Africa. The social and cultural identity of activists has been neglected by historians, who have commonly studied activism through imposed normative frameworks (e.g. class struggle or decolonisation) that have not always been central to the motivations of activists themselves. This article identifies and analyses specific phases of popular activism. Mass mobilisation was crucial to the success of anti-colonial nationalism, but did not commonly result in governments that addressed the aspirations or grievances of activists. From the 1970s, African governments became vulnerable to popular pressure, in the form of urban riots and uprisings, but attempts to establish more institutionalised pressure groups for change were not generally successful. The pro-democracy movements of the early 1990s again utilised mass mobilisation to achieve their aims, but the advent of multi-party democracy across the continent did not translate into meaningful popular reform. Since 2000, popular movements have expressed discontent with neo-liberal economic policies and authoritarian governments. The Arab Spring has inspired new waves of activism, but it remains unclear whether this will bring about significant political change across the continent. Two underlying linked themes will be analysed in the paper. Firstly, the interaction between local activism and broader ideological movements and influences (nationalism, socialism, religious belief, etc): to what extent have these ideological frameworks, commonly introduced by external agents, assisted or hampered in the development of discourses of resistance or activism? Secondly, African activists, in contrast to their western counterparts, have commonly operated in relationship to both local state and western or international elites, including colonial governments, multinational corporations and international donors. The paper will examine the extent to which these relationships have shaped the ideas and behaviour of African movements.     

The unknown refugee crisis: expulsion of the ethnic Lhotsampa from Bhutan

Bhutan has been strained by ethnic conflict. The Lhotsampa, one of the three largest ethnic groups, have sought a system of equality under which they would be allocated what they need as an equitable share of Bhutan's polity and economy. The ruling Drukpa elites perceived the Lhotsampa as a threat to their dominance and initiated policies to oppress or force out the Lhotsampa and others through ethnic cleansing. Bhutan's ethnic conflict and the refugee crisis it has produced are the outcome of ethnonationalism clothed in the slogan of ‘One Nation, One People’, and the contrived mechanisation of the ruling elites. The policies of these elites have effectively disenfranchised people who were born in Bhutan and have lived there for generations as citizens, for no other reason than their ethnicity. This is an issue not just for the Lhotsampa of Bhutan but also for any groups at the receiving end of an ethnically repressive order. The Lhotsampa case illustrates some characteristics of human‐rights violations in situations of ethnic strife.     

Nationalism and peace: Theoretical notes for research and political agendas

The mainstream school of Anglophone theory on nationalism is the starting point for considering how it might be possible to prevent nationalist conflicts turning violent, or ameliorating them after they have. The leading members of this school do not take up this task. Four reasons for this are identified—anti‐essentialism, normative cosmopolitanism, functionalism and a narrow historical focus. The first of these is sacrosanct but the others can be modified without basic damage to the theory. Outline ideas to this end offer a different normative attitude that recognizes the benefits of nationalism, a concentration on questions of identity to compensate for functionalism and a broader historical basis for the theoretical explanation of nationalism, which need not be seen exclusively as the product of modernity. These research agendas also point the way to some political conclusions about the durability of nationalism, peaceful policies for it and a long‐term approach to avoiding its worst excesses.     

Synthesising Gellner,Smith, and Barth: building a preliminary analytical framework for exploring the relationships between ethnic groups,nations, and nationalism

This review article synthesises Gellner's, Smith's, and Barth's ideas about ethnic groups and nations. It redefines the concepts of the ethnic group, nation, and nationalism. An ethnic group can be defined as a group of people who are self-differentiated from other groups. A nation can be defined as an ethnic group or groups politically mobilised by elite-made nationalism. Furthermore, nationalism can be defined as an ideology which demands that an ethnic group or groups should have their own state. In effect, a conceptual framework is formulated, although how useful the framework can be is subject to further empirical research.     

Livelihood resilience in a hyperinflationary environment: experiences of people engaging in money-burning (kubhena mari) transactions in Harare,Zimbabwe

At the zenith of Zimbabwe’s protracted politico-economic crises around 2007, which resulted in record hyperinflation, the majority of ordinary people confronted monumental livelihood challenges and complex reconfigurations of social and economic relationships. Many people could hardly sustain themselves from their meagre salaries from formal employment. In spite of this seemingly insurmountable livelihood catastrophe, people did not remain passive victims of such economic quandary. Rather, in the midst of this economic crisis, many people demonstrated great ingenuity, resilience and displayed immense resourcefulness in terms of rationally navigating through the economic crisis. This study explores a widespread survival strategy adopted by many people in Harare as a response to economic conditions: that of “money burning” or illegally exchanging money on the black market through electronic transfers. It is argued in this study that the emergence of money “burning” was a clear manifestation of human agency directed at individual survival amid livelihood catastrophe. Research findings revealed that money burning had become the lifeblood of many urbanites’ survival and livelihood portfolio. Interestingly, people’s perceptions on the money-burning practice were rather ambivalent. In trying to dissect the money-burning practice, I adopted Giddens’s structuration thesis and more especially the “structure–agency” dichotomy as my analytical insight, showing how the structure constrains and enables simultaneously.     

From the English Cottage Garden to the Swedish Allotment: Banal Nationalism and the Concept of the Garden

ABSTRACT

This article considers Billig's concept of “banal nationalism” in relation to a comparative material culture study of ordinary English and Swedish gardens and gardeners. Banal nationalism is about the myriad everyday practices, rather than overt ideologies, by means of which nations reproduce themselves as nations. While Billig's own work considers this solely in terms of linguistic discourses in relation to such matters as political speech and reporting sporting events, this article is concerned with how everyday nationalism may be reproduced through the humble and mundane material practice of gardening, and its relationship to the gardens people both create in reality and imagine.     

The Social Lives of the Elite: Friendship and Power in Pakistan

The ways in which elite individuals perpetuate their power and privilege and so reinforce existing social inequalities within developing country contexts are analysed in this article. I argue that in highly politically and economically unstable environments, socialising between the uppermost bureaucratic, political, military and business elite serves to create intimacy and obligation between individuals who may be functionally useful to one another, and strengthens and reinforces elite privilege. In examining the motivations that drive the ways in which elites socialise, I contend that the blending of affective and instrumental relationships is reflective of the deep insecurity experienced by elites in contexts where they cannot expect their power and privilege to be upheld by the state.     

Articulation,national unity and the aesthetics of living against occupation in Elia Suleiman’s Palestine Trilogy

This article interrogates questions of political subjectivity and representation in the context of late modern colonialism, by reading Elia Suleiman’s Palestine trilogy against a wider history of Palestinian political articulation. It suggests that Suleiman’s films detach the Palestinians’ struggle from the national paradigm, and create a political aesthetics that does not reduce the Palestinians to passive victims, nor depends upon their ability to reconstruct national unity and a coherent struggle for liberation. The political importance of this post-nationalism cannot, however, be understood unless it is tied to the specific historical and discursive conjuncture in which the Palestinians exist today. Undoing discourses of Palestinian nationalism, I argue, has become particularly important since the break up of the Oslo accords, not despite, but because of the exigencies of the colonial occupation and the imperative of finding efficient ways of resisting it.     

The historical roots of multicultural unity along the Upper Guinea Coast and in Guinea-Bissau

Lusofonia or lusophony is often defined as an identity shared by people in areas that were once colonised by Portugal, which in Africa include Angola, Cabo Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and São Tomé and Príncipe. Lusofonia assumes that in these places people share something – a language, certainly, but also a history and culture rooted in the Iberian Peninsula. In some ways it is a re-articulation of Gilberto Freyre’s lusotropicalismo, the idea that Portuguese were more adaptable than other Europeans to tropical climates and cultures and created more multicultural colonial communities. Those who espouse lusofonia often have a political agenda – the strengthening of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries. In this article, we argue that, like lusotropicalismo, lusofonia is a dream; it is not rooted in a historical reality. It is luso-centric in that it ignores the power and persistence of local cultures and gives undue weight to Portuguese influence. With regard to Africa, lusofonia’s agenda is elite driven and assumes the inevitability of modernity and globalisation. And we demonstrate that it was through Upper Guinean institutions and languages, and not colonial ones, that community and fellowship were most commonly fostered in the past, as they are fostered today. Those seeking the roots of lusofonia cannot, then, look to this period of Portuguese–African engagement in Upper Guinea. There Portuguese embraced “black ways.” They operated in a peculiar multicultural space in which people possessed fluid and flexible identities. Portugal did not create that space. Lusofonia has not been the foundation for cultural unity. Rather, unity has been found in localised institutions and in Crioulo. In Guinea-Bissau, lusofonia is not an indigenous movement. If it is anything, it is the stuff of elites and foreigners and is not rooted in any historical reality.     

Impugning the Humanitarian Defence

This article examines the claim that democratic states are justified in restricting access to asylum seekers on the grounds that failing to do so reduces public support for humanitarian refugee policies – referred to here as the humanitarian defence. Drawing on detailed historical, comparative and interpretive analysis of migration policy in Canada and Australia, the author builds on Matthew Gibney’s development of practically guided normative theory to assess cases in which political elites may legitimately enact restrictive policies in response to strong public opposition. Challenging the normative basis of the humanitarian defence, the article engages in a detailed discourse analysis of asylum crises in Canada (1987, 1999) and Australia (1979, 2001). The findings suggest that political elites do not respond to an independently arrived at, and objectively established, public opinion as implied in the humanitarian defence. Rather, political elites play a crucial role in shaping the discourse on asylum seekers and consequently, influence the very “public opinion” to which they claim to be responding. The author concludes that political elites should attempt to foster an environment in which the public accepts international obligations to refugees but accepts that in some cases political elites may be justified in implementing restrictive measures.     

Popular incorporation and prospects for democracy

Conclusion It has become commonplace to observe that Brazilian politics has undergone little change in recent years. Political society remains conservative, elitist, and dominated by amorphous and fluid political coalitions maneuvering for access to power. At first sight, it appears that dramatic transformations in the economic and social fabric of Brazilian society have had little or no effect on the way the political processes are conducted. One reason for this is the apparent willingness of the popular classes to participate in political arrangements that secure the hegemony of traditional elites. As I have shown, however, the various forms of collective organization that surfaced in protest of the military in the late 1970s are capable of breaking this spell. In providing vehicles of interest representation that militate against the logic of incorporative, patronage-based politics, these organizations make an important contribution toward the reconstitution of civil society along class lines. The accomplishment of this task is essential if the Left is to resolve the tension between ideological purity and electoral success.This tension is not specific to the Brazilian case. The legacies of dependent capitalist development common to most of Latin America have created conditions upon which both clientelist and populist politics thrive. And if there was a sudden spate of authoritarian reactions to economic and political crises in the region in the 1960s and 1970s, this interlude has been followed, predictably, by the reemergence en masse of populist-based political movements. Many of these movements - Aprismo in Peru, Peronismo in Argentina, and Brizolismo in Brazil - are the direct descendants of their pre-authoritarian counterparts. They are all trapped because of the inconsistency of their political bases by the contradiction between distributive politics and economic solvency.Most recent transitions from authoritarian rule were also, however, accompanied by the emergence and eventual demise of a popular movement. The thesis presented here suggests that if these movements played only a limited role in the actual process of transition, they may well determine the form that post-authoritarian politics takes in such countries.     

The cosmopolitan elite in Germany: transnationalism and postmaterialism

In this article, we investigate cosmopolitan attitudes among the people often considered the most cosmopolitan – the elite. Studying the typical class of frequent travellers provides a particularly good opportunity to study the relationship between transnational activities and cosmopolitanism. We also comprehensively investigate the link between postmaterialist values and cosmopolitan attitudes. We test our arguments using an original dataset that includes a relatively large sample of the German positional top elite in the years 2011 and 2012. A comparison between these data and data from a general population survey shows that while transnational activities affect the attitudes of ordinary citizens, increased travelling does not make elites more cosmopolitan. We discuss several reasons why this might be the case. We also observe that postmaterialist values and the ideological environment of the elite play a key role. Finally, we tentatively suggest that cosmopolitan elites do not endanger national social cohesion, as some fear they might. We show that cosmopolitanism and localism are not mutually exclusive and that members of the German elite feel even more attached to their nation than ordinary Germans.     

A case for psychodynamic social work

Abstract

Psychodynamic casework is not as popular in social work theory and practice as it once was. It is considered by some to be impractical, unscientific, and not suitable for those customarily receiving a social work service. Task-centred casework, behavioural approaches, the newer psychotherapies, and family therapy have all taken over as major paradigms of social work method. This is especially so, I think, for the social worker working in a psychiatric setting, where many clients stay only for a short time and where emphasis is placed on assessment and short-term intervention.

In this paper I shall argue that a psychodynamic approach in social work is still relevant; that it is important for its humanizing qualities, for understanding and working with people with severe problems and for, perhaps, helping us to locate the position of social work vis-a-vis other mental health professions. I shall do this by focusing on a particular case I had as a social work student on placement in a psychiatric day hospital.     

Stillborn chrysalis: reflections on the fate of national culture in neoliberal Zambia

Abstract In this article I use the analysis of a Zambian on‐line magazine to explore the problems and limits of nationalism in neoliberal times. The magazine, Chrysalis, was a bold attempt by a group of young, educated, cosmopolitan elites to craft a new Zambian nationalism for the information age. The discussions that unfolded in the magazine illustrate some of the difficulties in creating national culture and nationalist discourses of legitimation under conditions of neoliberalism.     

‘Vorkuta is the capital of the world’: people,place and the everyday production of the local

This article considers the relationship between people and place in the everyday production of the local. Based on empirical research with young people in Russia's far north it offers an empirically substantiated argument that processes of deterritorialization do not necessarily imply the disembedding of people from either the national or the local. Drawing on discursive psychological approaches to the construction of nationhood, the article demonstrates how national and local patriotisms are produced through a post‐Soviet project of nationalism and an active programme of flagging the city by the city administration. Through an exploration of the everyday manifestation and articulation of ties between people and place, however, it also suggests some of the limitations to theories of the everyday discursive production of nationhood. Connections to place, it is argued, are not only unconscious or linguistic expressions of discursively produced subjects, but emotional and sensual responses to the material (urban space, nature, climate) and symbolic (hymns, flags, historical narratives) environment. This suggests the need to conceptualize place as a site of the active production and enactment of subjectivity, which is itself not only the product of language and discourse but of experience, affect and ‘matter’.     

Internal migration and the politics of place: a comparative analysis of China and Indonesia

Spontaneous and organized population movements have long been used as a means of promoting a country's goals of development and national integration. At the local level, on the other hand, these movements have frequently done the opposite, fueling local grievances, sharpening group distinctions, and at times creating ‘sons-of-the-soil’ conflicts. In this paper, I explore this apparent tension between the national political rationale for internal migration and the political impact such migration has had locally, in four minority regions of China and Indonesia. I argue that the specific manner in which migration affects local politics is influenced by a country's political regime. In Indonesia, the impact of migration is observed in electoral politics, where ‘politics of place’ have been allowed to emerge. In China, it is perceived in the curbing of national minorities’ territorial autonomy. The role played by local elites and group competition between indigenous people and migrants are also reviewed.     

Using social theory to leap over historical contingencies: A comment on Robinson

Conclusion To be fair to Robinson, it is worth mentioning that he does offer a number of qualifications to his thesis. He tries to avoid excessive determinism and at one point suggests: A satisfactory account should not imply an evolutionary notion and should leave open the possibility of historic discontinuities and of contingencies that generate alternative pathways of development, including alternative futures. In other words, maybe this embryonic TNS will never progress beyond its current stage or perhaps it will continue to grow but it will never become a real state. But the main thrust of Robinson’s account is strongly deterministic. In fact, he does not consider a single factor that might impede the unity of the global bourgoisie or derail transnational state formation. In a sense, Robinson’s mistake is that he has tried to derive a theoretical solution to a concrete problem that global capitalism has not yet solved in practice. While it might well be a logical step for capitalist elites to create a Transnational State, it is always risky to attribute too much rationality to an order that is notorious for its contradictions.