Migrant adjustment in Seoul,Korea: employment and housing

To examine the role of the migrants in the job and housing markets, a sample survey of 1000 households in Seoul, Korea was conducted. For each sample household chosen, in an area probability sample based on the city registration lists, 1 household member, aged 15-45, was interviewed about employment, housing, migration and family histories, and the social and psychological adjustment in Seoul City of the respondent and his family members. Interveiws were completed for 978 cases in 2 rounds in 1974-75. An important feature of the sample was the inclusion of the control group of lifetime urban residents who were used as the standard by which migrants' adjustment was examined. This group comprised 27% of the sample. Additionally, the migrant group was subdivided according to length of residence in Seoul City. Those who resided there for fewer than 5 years were classified as recent migrants and comprised 20% of the sample. Longterm migrants, those with residence greater than 5 years, comprised 53% of the sample. Recent migrants were concentrated in the blue collar occupations, but there was virtually no difference between the occupational distributions of longterm migrants and lifetime urban residents. Lifetime urban residents showed higher unemployment rates and higher educational enrollment rates than either the recent or longterm migrants groups. There was a 10% differential favoring employment in modern industries (secondary and tertiary) among the lifetime urban residents; fewer than 40% of the recent migrants fell into the modern categories compared to 44% for longterm migrants, and over 50% for lifetime urban residents. Lifetime urban residents were significantly less likely to be employed in traditional service occupations than were recent migrants. Longer term migrants were intermediate for the tertiary traditional sector, but they were significantly less likely to be employed in the manufacturing or secondary sector, especially the modern secondary sector, possibly reflecting the job market upon their arrival in Seoul. Younger respondents were concentrated in blue collar occupations, but for those 25 years old and older more than half were employed in white collar occupations. The quality of dwellings for migrants and natives was measured in 3 areas: housing quality; neighborhood quality, and tenure status. To a certain extent migrants were in lower quality housing compared to urban natives, but this appeared to be due not to recency of migration itself but to other characteristics of the migrants. The relative position of recent, versus longterm migrants, was opposite to the expected pattern. The quality of the neighborhood of residence differed somewhat more for migrants and nonmigrants. The relative positions were as hypothesized: neighborhood quality increased with duration of residence. The range of differences was narrowed considerably when the effects of age, education, and income were removed. Owning or not owning one's house seemed related much more closely to the formation of attachments in the urban area, that is, commitment. Migrants through time do come to approximate the economic and housing patterns of lifetime urban residents.     

Migration,employment and the urban labour market: a study in the Indian Punjab

"Fears are often expressed that migration to the towns is a cause of surplus labour, increased unemployment, and the general decline in the quality of life in urban areas. In a detailed study of the interaction between migration and the urban labour market in an Indian city, the authors investigate these questions and show how the migrants fare as compared with the urban natives. They find no evidence that migrants are confined to marginal employment or contribute disproportionately to urban underemployment. Policy-makers are cautioned against adopting measures to curb migration, which is part of the process of economic growth and social advance, without first making a detailed assessment of its effects."     

Occupational and spatial mobility of temporary Mexican migrants to the U.S.: a comparative analysis

"U.S. job and spatial mobility are compared here for recent returnee migrants from two Mexican areas--Rio Grande, Zacatecas, in the interior; and Nueva Rosita-Muzquiz, Coahuila, near the U.S. border. Results suggest that the interior migrants fit a hierarchical migrant model: they move up the urban hierarchy from U.S. rural areas to towns and cities, experiencing substantial job mobility at first, but little after reaching the urban sector. Border migrants fit a shuttle migrant model: they return to the same job and place year after year, experiencing little or no spatial and occupational mobility, although they tend to hold somewhat higher status jobs."     

Occupation and housing adjustment of migrants to Surabaya,Indonesia: the case of a second city

The adjustment of migrants to Surabaya, Indonesia was examined with respect to occupation and housing characteristics. The data are based on information obtained in interviews from a multistage random sample of 600 residents of Surabaya between the ages of 20-44. Both females and males were interviewed and information on occupation was also collected for the spouses of respondents. In the analysis, 3 comparison groups were used: migrants to the city within the 5 years previous to the survey; migrants who moved in 1969 or before; and lifetime residents of Surabaya who were either born there or moved before the age of 15. The analysis used 2 methods to determine the extent and nature of adjustment. In the first, migrants of short and long durations of residence were compared to determine if change on the aggregate level has taken place and to indicate the direction of change. A control group of lifetime residents was used to determine whether the migrants are coming to resemble the characteristics of the native urban population. The 2nd, and equally serious problem, involves outmigration, in which migrants selective of certain characteristics leave the city either to return to the rural area or to move to another city. Initial comparisons between recent migrants, longterm migrants, and lifetime residents revealed no significant differences for either employment status or occupational skill. By occupational skill, approximately 35% had unskilled occupations, 27% semiskilled occupations, and 37% skilled occupations, with no significant difference by migrant status group. Overall, the distributions showed this sample to have significant concentrations in traditional, labor intensive employment, with a large percentage self employed. Controlling occupational skill for education showed somewhat different results. Those with primary school or less did not show a significant difference by migrant status, while among those with more education there was a significant difference. The longterm migrants wree overwhelmingly employed in skilled occupations. Initial analysis showed no significant difference in housing quality for each of the 3 migrant status groups. Recent migrants to the city were having no more difficulty in finding housing than changing migrants and lifetime natives. Housing conditions appeared to improve with duration of residence in the city, either through residential mobility or through improvements to the dwelling. That housing showed improvement with time, while occupation did not, may be because of the nature of each of the markets.     

Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

On‐The‐Job Skills and Earnings of Returned Migrants

In this paper we study the factors altering the probability of migrants to acquire additional on‐the‐job skills while abroad, and the determinants of their earnings level, using a sample of 6120 returned migrants from Bosnia, Bulgaria, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic, Romania, and Tadjikistan. We use a two‐stage procedure to estimate a system of two equations where on‐the‐job skills and earnings are determined simultaneously. The probability of acquiring skills on‐the‐job is found to be positively affected by the level of earnings. It is also higher for migrants who are employed in the same sector (pre‐ and during migration), and for migrants with lower initial financial status. Interestingly, the probability is lower for migrants with university education. The earnings level is positively affected by acquired on‐the‐job skills, the level of education, and the duration of migration. Women have lower earnings while those (males and females) who have learned the language of the destination country have higher earnings. The country variables are statistically significant in all cases but one, indicating that there are differences in the acquisition of skills and earnings reflecting unspecified differences among the countries of origin.     

The relationship between migration and fertility in an historical context: the case of Morocco in the 1960s

The relationship between migration and fertility was explored on the basis of data collected in a 1966 survey conducted in the 9 largest cities of Morocco. Existing contradictory findings suggest the need to specify and analyze the conditions under which fertility differentials by migration status are observed. The 2 theoretically most interesting conditions were considered: the historical context of migration; and the type of migration. A stratified area probability sample was selected with different sampling fractions within each city and city-strata. In each sampled household, 1 married woman under age 50 and 1 50 years and over, as well as single women ranging in age from 15-24, were selected at random and interviewed by female interviewers. The present analysis was limited to data for ever married women under age 50. The following variables were used as controls in the analysis of the relationship between migration status and fertility: the intermediate variable of age at marriage; measures of socioeconomic status; labor force participation of women; and measures of exposure to the modernizing influence of the city. If the 2 conditions of historical context and migration typology had been ignored in the analysis of data for Morocco's cities in 1966, meaningful fertility differentials would not have been evident. It was only after migration typology and historical context were considered that a more noticeable pattern of differential fertility emerged. Migrants of rural or urban origin who moved to the largest cities of Morocco after independence in 1956 had the lowest fertility of any group. The highest fertility was observed for women who moved to these cities before 1956. The fertility of urban natives and of urban migrants who moved before 1956 was between the 2 extreme levels. Controlling for the effects of age at marriage and various socioeconomic factors reduced the fertility differentials but failed to change their pattern. It was hypothesized that the lower fertility of recent migrants may be explained by social mobility.     

Population growth and rural-urban migration,with special reference to Ghana

While the population of Ghana is expected to double in 25 years at the current rate of increase (approximately 2.5% per annum), the population of urban centers is increasing even faster. The 1970 census shows the urban population growing by 4.8% per annum. This is mainly the result of rural to urban migration and, to a smaller extent, the increase in the number of urban centers from 39 in 1948 to 98 in 1960 to 135 in 1970. In the 1970 census only 57.1% of the population were enumerated in their locality of birth and only 20.9% in a locality other than their place of birth but in the same region. 4.1% were born outside Ghana, mostly in another West African country. 1 striking difference between urban and rural areas is the differing sex ratio of the working population. In rural areas there are 91.0 males aged 15-64 years for every 100 females while in urban areas there are 107.1. Most migration in Africa is for employment and those most likely to migrate are working-age males. Because secondary schools are scarce in rural areas, urban dwellers generally have a higher education level. There are no significant differences between overall labor force participation rates for females. The nationwide participation rate was 38.9% for both males and females (males 43.8%, females 34.1%); in urban areas the total was 40.0% (males 46.3%, females 33.7%) and in rural areas 38.5% (males 42.7%, females 34.3%). Ghanaian women have traditionally occupied a prominent place in the labor force. The theory that urban migration is due to urban-rural income disparities is not confirmed by figures. Considering the high amount of unemployment in urban areas, a rural dweller can average as much as a city dweller. In fact, poorly educated migrants are the ones most affected by urban unemployment. A recent study by Kodwo Ewusi considered the impact of many variables on migration; he found depressed social conditions at the place of origin are more compelling motivations than economic factors but that once people decide to migrate, they base their choice of destination primarily on economic opportunities available at that end. Distance bears little relationship to choice of destination. To stem this tide efforts need to be made to increase rural income, provide employment opportunities for those displaced as agriculture becomes more efficient, and to provide for greater amenities in rural areas. Urban unemployment is an ever-increasing problem, accentuated by population growth and migration. Intensive rural development is needed to reverse this trend.     

Uma Vida Melhor?: Portuguese Migrant Workers in a Rural Community

As migrants have traditionally settled in the larger towns and cities, research into economic integration has in the past focused on urban centres. Evidence from recent migration flows is that migrant settlement is far more dispersed both nationally and regionally, requiring a shift in focus to small town and rural communities (STRCs). Studies exist on the Portuguese migrant presence in urban areas across Europe but little research has been carried out into their integration into and impact on STRCs. It will be argued that the Portuguese represent an interesting case study because they are a diverse, multinational group that had become an established community in East Anglia prior to the influx of East Europeans from the post-accession states during the early 2000s. It is argued that tensions exist within as well as between the immigrant nationalities. The focus is on the labour market in East Anglia and recurring issues such as declining job opportunities and growing competition for employment.     

Bending the urban flow: a construction-migration strategy

The excess rate of migration to urban centers is a problem affecting over 50 developing countries and 18 developed ones (68% of the world's population). Policies that rely on compulsion or disincentives have mostly failed because they do not deal with the cause of the problem. This paper proposes a strategy of increasing or decreasing the rate of housing construction in different urban areas as a means of stimulating or reducing migration to those areas; in most developing areas priority is given to residential construction in already congested metropolitan areas. 5 assumptions are the basis for this approach: 1) migrants tend to gravitate to the most powerful growth poles; 2) residential construction is a leading sector of regional and urban economies; 3) the encouragement of construction activity will make itself felt indirectly via its effect on construction-related employment; 4) rates of residential construction may be manipulated through government policy affecting the cost of materials, availability of loans, level of unionization, and price of housing; and 5) residential construction is amenable to quick policy action. The central idea of the strategy is that an increase in residential construction will exercise a pull on migrants, increasing job opportunities, raising incomes, lowering housing costs, and improving the chances of home ownership. This idea has been verified by various projects in Hong Kong, Ghana, Venezuela, Brazil, Bahrain, Mexico, Colombia, Poland, USSR, and the UK. In Bahrain low-income housing programs have been used to relocate Bahraini nationals in new outlying suburbs and to promote population growth in rural villages. In Mexico self-help and low-income housing programs have helped to redirect migrants headed for small towns toward smaller communities. There is also evidence to show that building construction has the potential to expand and contribute to economic growth. Some problems of implementation might be finding an adequate economic base, the need to place new communities close to primate cities, the use of large portions of the national budget, and profit-maximizing plans have been detrimental to the speed and development of construction migration. Some benefits for smaller urban areas of construction migrants in developing countries are: 1) emphasis on the development of a labor-intensive industry, 2) little training of workers as needed, 3) it can provide the housing required by industries planning to move to smaller areas, 4) this housing will be cheaper, and 5) incentives will exist to save and invest in the smaller areas.     

Impacts of male outmigration on women: a case study of Kutum / Northern Darfur / Sudan

This case study of 313 households in the Kutum area in Western Sudan focuses on female headed households with migrant husbands. Free leases of land by women were common. 65% of the sample owned fields, and over 50% had home gardens in town. Among villagers 94% owned fields, and 74% had additional gardens. 28.3% of town owners of fields or gardens employed seasonal wage laborers, of whom 33% were female workers. None of the villages hired agricultural laborers. Labor shortages appeared only during weeding times. Fields were cultivated and housing was repaired mostly by unpaid female labor: a gender-specified role. Strategies for preventing poverty included cash crop cultivation, petty trade, sales of property, seasonal wage labor, and migration. The number of agricultural wage workers increased during famines. Findings show that 69 men migrated to Arab countries and 35 to other areas outside Darfur. 62.5% of the 115 migrants were married, and 20.8% did not send remittances home after more than a 6 months absence. 46.5% of unmarried migrants did not send remittances. 15.6% of the 77 rural women were dissatisfied with remittances. 21.5% of 121 migrants were away for more than a year; 66.1% were away 2-5 years. 12.4% were gone for more than 5 years. Irregular remittances were attributed to high urban living costs, to irregular means of sending money, and to saving for a family chaperone. Remittances satisfied immediate consumption needs. Outmigration was not really a survival strategy but an anti-destitution measure. Higher wage rates were not considered a primary motive for outmigration. Under drought conditions strategies included development of gardening for food and cash production. Out migration resulted in female household heads, in the need for cash income for supplementary items, in an increased work load including the men's activities, in women as the main food producers and thus more subject to environmental effects, and in overwork, which reduced input in children's education and domestic tasks. 37% of El-Tahir women with migrating spouses had trouble meeting basic needs, 25.6% had shortages of family labor, and 17.4% had difficulty with child rearing. Migrants' wives who were separated from extended families suffered from loss of social prestige and income. Women regardless of class or educational level were considered inferior to men. Women's influence was at the individual, household, and informal group level.     

Do the most successful migrants emulate natives in well‐being? The compound effect of geographical and social mobility

A growing body of research has been focusing on the well‐being consequences of migration, yet most of this has overlooked the fact that many migrants experience intragenerational social mobility alongside geographical mobility. Without accounting for the effect of social mobility in working life, the impact of geographical mobility on well‐being cannot be clearly examined. This paper focuses on the most successful migrants, who have started from the bottom and have achieved upward social mobility in the course of their careers, and compares their well‐being with that of native non‐migrants who have experienced a similar intragenerational social mobility trajectory. The analysis is based on a recent national survey in China, which has a representative sample for both the overall population and migrants. Findings show that migrants, whether from an urban or rural origin, have better incomes but significantly lower levels of well‐being than natives, even with a similar career advancement trajectory and the same destination class position. Further exploration shows that the well‐being disadvantage of migrants is mainly due to institutional and sociocultural barriers, rather than to reward differentials in the labour market. This may have a wider implication for migrants across national borders.     

Labor Market Impact of Migration: Employment Structures and the Case of Greece1

The impact of migration on the labor markets of host countries has fueled research and policy debates. While the impact of migration on the employment opportunities and wages of natives has come under extensive focus, another dimension of labor market impact of migration apparent in the case of Greece, the relations under which work is performed, has attracted less attention. The prevalence of family‐based forms of production and the relatively limited extent of waged employment have log made Greece an outlier with respect to European employment structures. However, much of the work previously carried out within the framework of the family is now undertaken by migrants for wages. This substitution of unpaid family labor by migrant wage‐labor is contributing to the convergence of Greek employment structures with those of other countries of the European Union.     

Population movement in Zhejiang province,China: the impact of government policies

"China's urbanization policies include strict control of permanent migration to large cities, but encourage the growth of small cities and towns. Concurrently, temporary migration is widely permitted as a way to stimulate commerce. Data for Zhejiang province indicate that permanent mobility is largely directed toward urban places, that towns gain more than cities and that rural areas experience migration losses. Permanent migrants to urban places are selective of the better educated. Temporary migration is also urban directed but greater in volume than permanent migration, and places considerable strain on urban infrastructure. Government policies are a key to understanding the migration streams and migrant characteristics. The considerable net movement into cities suggests that strict control of city growth is more difficult to achieve than envisaged by policymakers." This is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America (see Population Index, Vol. 55, No. 3, Fall 1989, p. 386).     

The Influence of Attitudes toward Immigrants on International Migration

We investigate whether anti‐immigrant attitudes affect migrant inflows in Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries. Using longitudinal exhaustive data, we find that natives’ hostility, particularly natives’ propensity to discriminate on the labor market, reduces immigration. This effect is comparable to more conventional migration factors. We obtain robust results when we, for example, capture hostility with far‐right parties’ popularity instead and control for tighter immigration policies or multilateral resistance to migration. We find a stronger effect for EU‐to‐EU migrants, migrants from developed countries and linguistically close countries. Our results raise a challenge for policy makers when the demand for foreign workers and anti‐immigrant sentiment are present.     

Free versus regulated migration: Comparing the wages of the New Zealand-born,other migrants and the Australia-born workers in Australia

New Zealanders can cross borders freely, work and live in Australia indefinitely thanks to the Trans-Tasman Travel Agreement. This paper uses a recently developed decomposition method to decompose the weekly wage gap at various quantiles on the wage distribution between New Zealand-born (NZ-born) and Australian-born workers, and between NZ-born workers, migrants from other English speaking countries (OESC), and from non-English speaking countries (NESC) to determine how free and regulated migration influences migrants’ performance in the Australian labour market. We found that NZ-born workers earned higher weekly wages than both Australian-born and NESC workers but earned lower wages than OESC migrants. Differences in endowment were primarily responsible for the wage gaps between NZ-born and Australian-born workers and between NZ-born and OESC migrants. However, differences in returns to worker and job characteristics are mainly responsible for the wage gap between NZ-born and NESC migrants.     

Movement patterns and the medium-sized city. Tenants on the move in Gweru,Zimbabwe

During 1965-79, urban growth rates accelerated and continued after Zimbabwe's independence in 1980. For 1960-80, the estimated urban growth rate was 5.6% as compared with the natural growth rate of 3.5% and urban growth rate of 5.0% to 8.1% for the period 1982-92. Gweru, Zimbabwe, had a population of 110,000 in 1990, and as the provincial capital it is an important destination for rural and interurban migrants. Between 1982 and 1990 there was a 4.9% growth rate, resulting in the municipal waiting list for housing to exceed 14,000 in mid-1990. In a large study on migration and rental shelter, 188 tenants were interviewed in high, low-medium density, and periurban areas of the city with the intent of tracing respondents and the nature of migration streams. Regarding origins and connections, only one-fifth of the migrants were born in Gweru, more than half were born in rural areas, and the rest in other urban areas. More than 90% still had rural homes. Two-thirds made rural home visits six times or less a year and one-fourth visited seven times a year to once a month. 40% of the migrants to Gweru originated in larger cities, 24% in smaller urban areas, and 36% in rural areas. 58% moved to high density areas, 34% to low-medium, and 8% to peri-urban areas. The dominant motive was the search for employment and direct transfers, thus economic factors dominated over social factors. Three groups were distinguished according to length of stay: 1) 5 years or less who lived mainly in high and low-medium density housing; 2) 6-15 years; and 3) more than 15 years who lived in low density and high density areas. Regarding the previous two migrations, two-thirds stayed at the previous place for 5 years of less. The reasons for migration were overcrowding, family, and employment. Within Gweru high mobility was typical: one-third initiated one step, 43% initiated two steps, and 27% initiated three steps. Lodgers were the most mobile since one-third were moving three times.     

Migration and the “Second Wife” in South China: Toward Cross‐Border Polygyny1

Rapid industrialization in southern China has brought together two types of migrants: young women from towns and villages seeking work and upward mobility and affluent men from Hong Kong sojourning in the coastal provinces to supervise or service export‐oriented industries. The result is that many married Hong Kong men who cross the border regularly on business have taken “second wives” or mistresses in China. We analyze this phenomenon using government statistics, selected court cases, and personal interviews. We show that the emergence of the “second wife” phenomenon among migrants in southern China is consistent with recent studies on the causes of polygyny, and we make some predictions about the likelihood of this type of polygyny among migrants.