The Spatial Mobility Trap? How Urban Contexts Shape the Spatial Mobility of Male Undocumented Youths

Some scholars have argued urban autonomy creates inclusive spaces for migrants, while others have argued interiorized border security and discriminatory policing constrain racialized migrants. This article examines the extent to which the urban context represents a spatial mobility trap for urban undocumented youths as they become adults, based on data from longitudinal comparative ethnography with undocumented youths, schools, and civil society actors in Paris and New York City. Public schools, public transportation, policing, and informal labor market practices distinguish the urban regimes of migrant il/legality in the two cities, shaping how such youths move within and outside urban space. These elements may magnify or mitigate legal-status distinctions between undocumented youths and others. As protections for undocumented minors waned at adulthood, New York City's regime blurred legal-status distinctions, accelerating intracity mobility for most youths while Paris's approach brightened such distinctions, limiting mobility. These findings contribute a spatial mobility perspective to studies of migrant illegality and an urban sociology perspective to the transition to adulthood.     

Migration,urbanization, and fertility in the Philippines

3 groups of women are compared in this study of the effect of migration on fertility in a less developed country: 1) rural sedentary; 2) rural to rural migrants; and 3) rural to urban migrants. The data are from a 1970 household interview study conducted by the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado in Magsayay and Matanao, Davao Province, Mindanao, the Philippines. Social, economic, and mortality data were gathered from the household head and/or spouse for each household member and each child living elsewhere. Reproductive histories were obtained only from women for all women 15 years of age and older living in the 2 rural communities and living elsewhere. Age specific fertility rates and child woman ratios showed a declining gradient of fertility with social distance from the rural home communities. Age at marriage and education were positively associated with distance from the home communities and negatively associated with fertility. The data provide support for the hypothesis that recent migration is innovative, engaged in by more modernized persons who are motivated by aspiration to new goals, thus migration has a negative effect on fertility. Urbanization had its major impact after peak fertility years, 20-29, influencing urban migrants to bring their fertility under voluntary control. No such curtailment appeared in the late reproductive behavior of rural sedentary or migrant women. Urbanization seems to have a negative effect on fertility independent of migration. Young migrant women, in their teens, particularly those migrating to urban areas, did not fit the social mobility model; they tended to complete fewer years of school and married at an earlier age. These young urban migrants also had higher fertility than both rural sedentary and rural migrant females while in their teen years.     

Social mobility among migrants between Mexico and the U.S. and within the U.S. labor market

This paper uses data collected in 4 Mexican communities (2 rural and 2 urban) in 1982 and 1983, using a sample of 200 households, plus an additional 25 households. This analysis supports these hypotheses: 1) a U-shaped pattern of occupational mobility exists among migrants to the US; 2) the reversal of the initial downward mobility is positively correlated with the accumulation of experience within the US; and 3) the relative steepness of both legs of the pattern vary across socioeconomic with rural origin, illegal, and poorly educated migrants experiencing the slowest reversal of fortune. The occupational mobility of Mexican migrants to the US has 2 distinct phases: 1) labor market entry and 2) that which occurs within the US labor market. Both phases are characterized by occupational immobility and by migrants' area of origin. Other important findings are 1) the slowness with which upward mobility occurs among migrants on their 1st trip, 2) the dominance of agriculture as an occupational group, and 3) an improvement in mobility prospects with increased US experience for repeat migrants. Immobility for 1st time entrants pervades all occupational categories and is exceptionally high for rural origin migrants in agriculture. Rural origin unskilled workers encounter greater mobility constraints, indicating a rural agricultural worker may accomplish an upward movement to the unskilled category, but the chances of further movement are remote. Upon entering the US, the probability of being employed in agriculture is over 25% for all groups except the unskilled. Adjusting successfully to US society is best accomplished by migrants whose Mexican occupation is professional, technical, skilled, or service or who have carefully timed their migration and have accumulated significant experience in the host society. It is only with exposure to the US society, either through a prolonged stay or many trips, that a migrant can overcome the debilitating effects of a disadvantaged socioeconomic background.     

Uma Vida Melhor?: Portuguese Migrant Workers in a Rural Community

As migrants have traditionally settled in the larger towns and cities, research into economic integration has in the past focused on urban centres. Evidence from recent migration flows is that migrant settlement is far more dispersed both nationally and regionally, requiring a shift in focus to small town and rural communities (STRCs). Studies exist on the Portuguese migrant presence in urban areas across Europe but little research has been carried out into their integration into and impact on STRCs. It will be argued that the Portuguese represent an interesting case study because they are a diverse, multinational group that had become an established community in East Anglia prior to the influx of East Europeans from the post-accession states during the early 2000s. It is argued that tensions exist within as well as between the immigrant nationalities. The focus is on the labour market in East Anglia and recurring issues such as declining job opportunities and growing competition for employment.     

Income expectations,rural-urban migration and employment in Africa

This article develops a theoretical framework explaining the influence of economic conditions on rural-urban migration in tropical Africa. The model explains the continued process of migration despite high levels of urban unemployment. A lengthy discussion is devoted to short-, intermediate-, and long-term policies for relieving the urban unemployment problem. It is argued that efforts must be made to reduce the differences between the expectation of urban income and real rural income. No one single policy will slow rural-to-urban migration. The author suggests policies that would eliminate factor-price distortions, restrain urban wages, redirect development toward concentrated and comprehensive programs of rural development, resettle and repatriate unemployed urban migrants, and establish capital-goods industries. The capital-goods industries would develop labor-intensive technologies for agriculture and industry. The theoretical model assumes that migrants make decisions about moving on the basis of an expected income and the expectation of an urban job. It is argued that the urban-rural income differences and the probability of securing an urban job determine the rate and extent of rural-urban migration in Africa. If the migrant has a low probability of finding regular wage employment in the short term, but expects the probability to increase over time, the migrant would make a rational decision to migrate. Policies that operate solely on urban labor demand are considered unlikely to reduce urban unemployment. This model better estimates the shadow prices of rural labor.     

From Migrant to Minority: Hmong Refugees and the Social Construction of Identity in the United States*

The social constructionist perspective of ethnicity suggests that international migrants may not consider themselves ethnic minorities even when they objectively hold this status. Interview data from forty Hmong refugee leaders support this thesis. One-third have an entirely migrant orientation, while few have an entirely minority orientation. However, one-third are primarily minority in orientation. The migrant orientation prioritizes the ethnic community and problems related to migration. The minority orientation prioritizes relations with U.S. society and problems caused by U.S. institutions. Consistent with findings of prior research, the minority orientation is most common among leaders who have the greatest potential for successful adaptation. But in contrast to prior research, the findings suggest that ethnic awareness among migrants depends not only on attitudes toward assimilation, but also on whether they attribute inequality to their status as newcomers in a host society or to their status as a minority in a racial and ethnic hierarchy.     

Life on the Edge: Balancing Gendered and Occupational Identities among Unauthorized Mexican Migrant Roofers

Scholars have addressed the economic, gendered, and emotional dimensions of migration, especially as migrants move from origin to destination. However, scholarship on return migration and the subjective experiences of reintegrating to origin communities is poorly understood. In this paper, we examine the return migration of formerly unauthorized migrants who labored as roofers in the United States. We argue that the migration process redefines men’s masculinity as they attempt to balance family life in Mexico and their occupational lives in the U.S., all of which are essential for their identity but remain separated by an international border. We draw on 40 in-depth interviews with return migrant men in a small city in Guanajuato, Mexico to examine the emotional tensions men experience regarding the decision to remain in close proximity to family in Mexico and a desire to return again to their economically and emotionally fulfilling occupations in the U.S. We find that migrants’ nostalgia for prior U.S. labor market experience, in juxtaposition to reentry into the Mexican labor market, competes with current feelings of happiness and contentment obtained through family reintegration. These competing feelings, together with economic need, help explain the complex meaning of migration for return migrant men. We conclude by suggesting that once men have been exposed to U.S. life, the occupational identity becomes a “pull” that encourages future migration trips.     

International migration from the Dominican Republic: findings from a national survey

Results of a survey which sought to provide a profile of international Dominican migrants indicate that international migration from the Dominican Republic is primarily a middle class urban phenomenon, with rural unemployment representing only a small segment of the migration flow. The strongest reasons for emigrating were economic, and most migrants tended to leave the Dominican Republic at the peak of their productivity. The profile of the migrant which emerged from the survey does not fit the stereotype of an illiterate, unskilled, and unemployable individual who decides to emigrate to receive welfare. Results also show that about 40% of migrants had returned at the time of the survey, and suggest that the poorer the migrant, the less likely it is he/she will return. Most persons migrating in order to study tend to return after their studies are over, and a large number of migrants have trouble adjusting to a foreign society. Finally, international net migration does not seem to be increasing; in fact the findings suggest that net migration declined considerably in the 1970s, after reaching a peak in the 1960s.     

Invited Article: “You are Not Welcome Here!” Understanding News Coverage of Central American Migrant Families in Trump’s America

ABSTRACT

The influx of Central American families fleeing gang violence in the countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras has captured the attention of the government, citizens, and the media and has created a crisis of its own leading to strong rhetoric and policy changes from the current U.S. administration led by Donald Trump. This study conducts a textual analysis of 35 stories published by The New York Times about the Central American migrant crisis between January of 2016 and mid-May of 2019 and identifies four categories of content: New kinds of migrants at the U.S. border, the Central American migrant crisis, the Trump administration’s approach to the crisis, and critique of Trump policy. Sub-categories were also developed for three of these categories. The findings indicate that there has been a shift in the type of migrant who tries to cross the border or seek asylum in the United States. Instead of undocumented single men migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border, there are now Central American migrant families displaced by the gang violence in Central America. The stories analyzed in this study highlight the changes to U.S. border and immigration policy partly in response to changes in migration patterns caused by this crisis.     

Migration,unemployment and the urban labour market. A case study of the Sudan

Investigation of migration, unemployment, and the urban labor in Sudan was based on the Household Socioeconomic Survey of Greater Khartoum, conducted in October-November 1974. The survey sample consisted of 15,339 persons, 8904 of whom were natives of the 3 towns (Greater Khartoum) and 6435 were immigrants. Among the latter were 976 children below 12 years of age from whom no migration information was collected. Adult migrants were further subdivided into those who had migrated during the 5 years preceding the survey (947) and those who had migrated 5 or more years previously (4512). During the 5 years preceding the survey, the rate of migration into the 3 towns was of the order of 2.2% per annum. Over 80% of the migrants came from 9 of the 12 northern and central provinces. The 3 southern provinces contributed few migrants to the area. 47% of the recent migrants stated that their last place of residence had been a rural area; 53% reported an urban area. Among recent migrants, 69% of the males and 67% of the females were between the ages of 15-29. Only 4% of the males and 11% of the females were over 50. The migrants had a significantly higher level of education than the average population in the northern and central provinces where most of them originated, but this does not mean that they were necessarily better educated than the native population of the 3 towns. Of the 947 recent migrants, 354 had been working before the move. Of these the great majority, 73% had been in agriculture, 8% in services, 6% in trade, and 3% in construction. 18% of those working before the move were private employees, 6% government employees, and the remaining 76% either self employed or unpaid family workers. In this last category 82% of the self employed and 97% of the unpaid family workers had been in agriculture. The principal pull factors seemed to have been higher average annual earnings, job availability, better educational opportunities, and the low cost of migration due to the presence of friends and relatives in the 3 towns. Dominant among the push factors were population pressure, lack of job opportunities, and climatic conditions leading to low agricultural productivity and incomes. The overall labor force participation rate among recent recent migrants was 79% for males and only 7% for females. A higher proportion of newly arrived migrants worked in services and a lower proportion in transport. The proportion of natives who were engaged in professional, technical, and administrative work was almost double that of the migrant groups. Natives were also relatively more likely to be clerical workers. For both migrants and natives, average annual earnings increased steadily with the level of educational attainment. 50% of the migrants who came to the 3 towns without a job found a job within 6 months and that those who were unemployed for longer than this were supported by family or friends. The evidence suggests that migrants to Greater Khartoum are being absorbed into urban employment rather than relegated to irregular, low status activities on the fringe of the urban economy.     

Using INS border apprehension data to measure the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico frontier

"This article examines how data on INS [Immigration and Naturalization Service] border apprehensions are related to the flow of undocumented migrants crossing the southern U.S. border. Its centerpiece is a demographic model of the process of unauthorized migration across the Mexico-U.S. frontier. This model is both a conceptual framework that allows us to see theoretical linkages between apprehensions and illegal migrant flows, and a methodological device that yields estimates of the gross number of undocumented migrants. One implication of the model is that, for the first time, the relation between apprehensions and illegal flows can be examined empirically. We show that the ratio in each period between apprehensions and the undocumented flow is simply the odds of being located and arrested on any given attempt to enter the United States clandestinely."     

Health Disorder of Climate Migrants in Khulna City: An Urban Slum Perspective

As the most vulnerable climatic region in the country, Khulna City is increasingly experiencing climate‐change‐induced urban problems. For instance, occupancy by climate migrants (delete the term “illegal migrant”), drainage congestion, water logging and reduced fresh water availability are all increasing problems. In the last decade, the population in the city increased by more than 20 per cent due to migration from nearby climate vulnerable districts. This study explores the health disorders of climate migrants occupying the urban slums and squats of the Khulna City area. This study found that these climate migrants settled in the urban slums and squats and, as such, they do not have access to urban amenities such as clean drinking water, hygiene services, and health facilities. This study noted that these displaced people are at increased risk of health issues from unhygienic and overcrowded living conditions and from water and sanitation problems. They often suffer from different waterborne diseases, under‐nutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. This study suggests that there is a need for better planning, preparation and training in Bangladesh to which migrants move, including better training in health and related services on how to recognize and respond to health problems that may be slow to manifest. Education and training also need to be provided for the migrants themselves, to help them adapt culturally and to enhance their skills and potential for employment.     

History and trends in U.S. bound migration from a Mexican town

The authors examine "historical trends in U.S. bound migration from a rural Mexican town. The data consist of detailed migration histories collected for all town residents in 1978. From these histories, successive migrant cohorts were constructed for the period 1940-1978." Changes in the age and sex composition of migrants over time are analyzed     

Recession and Migration: A New Era for Labor Migration?

The current recession, the worst in a half century, is likely to affect international migration differently than past recessions. In 1973–1974 and 1981–1982, rising oil prices led to recessions in oil‐importing countries and economic booms in oil‐exporting countries, enabling some migrants to shift from bust to boom areas, as from Europe to the Middle East. The 1997–1998 Asian financial crisis did not spread globally, and was followed by a relatively quick resumption of economic and job growth that attracted migrant workers. The 2008–2009 recession is most severe in countries that had the most severe debt excesses, including the U.S., Spain, and Eastern Europe, and in countries most dependent on trade, including many Asian countries. New deployments of migrants are likely to slow, but what is not yet clear is how many migrants who lose jobs will remain abroad.     

Aliens in irregular status in the United States: a review of their numbers,characteristics, and role in the U.S. labor market

A general review of international migration to the United States is first presented. The analysis then focuses on aliens in irregular status in the United States, including the size of the illegal alien population, the intention of migrants to stay or to return, migrant characteristics, and the role of migrants in the U.S. labor market. The main concern of the paper is with illegal migration from Mexico. (summary in FRE, SPA)     

Pathways to El Norte: origins, destinations, and characteristics of Mexican migrants to the United States

The geography Mexican migration to the U.S. has experienced deep transformations in both its origin composition and the destinations chosen by migrants. To date, however, we know little about how shifting migrant origins and destinations may be linked to each another geographically and, ultimately, structurally as relatively similar brands of economic restructuring have been posited to drive the shifts in origins and destinations. In this paper, we describe how old and new migrant networks have combined to fuel the well-documented geographic expansion of Mexican migration. We use data from the 2006 Mexican National Survey of Population Dynamics, a nationally representative survey that for the first time collected information on U.S. state of destination for all household members who had been to the U.S. during the 5 years prior to the survey. We find that the growth in immigration to southern and eastern states is disproportionately fueled by undocumented migration from non-traditional origin regions located in Central and Southeastern Mexico and from rural areas in particular. We argue that economic restructuring in the U.S. and Mexico had profound consequences not only for the magnitude but also for the geography of Mexican migration, opening up new region-to-region flows.     

Chinese Migrants' Class Mobility in Hong Kong

Resources such as education and social networks are likely to contribute to migrants' upward mobility in the class hierarchy. Moreover, according to structural fit theory, the contribution tends to be contingent on age and social network size. The contingency is the major concern of the present study of mainland Chinese migrants in Hong Kong, which is somewhat different from the Chinese mainland economically, politically and even culturally. In this study, we show that the conditions for upward mobility are some human and social resources and their various combinations. Notably, schooling after arrival in Hong Kong contributed more to the upward mobility of the migrant who was younger or had a larger social network at the time of arrival in Hong Kong. Purportedly, promoting the migrant's integration with the school and local social network would prepare the migrant for upward mobility.     

The interrupted chain: traditional receiver countries,migration regimes,and the East European Jewish diaspora, 1918–39

This article focuses primarily on countries that had been, prior to 1914, among the most favored destinations for East European Jewish migrants: chiefly the United States, Canada, Palestine, Brazil and Argentina. In the inter-war years, these ceased to be the only ports of final entry for Jewish migrants. However, despite restrictive migration regimes and unfavorable economic conditions, traditional receiver countries continued to absorb the largest share of such migrants (the U. S. and Palestine, between them, accounting for over 800,000). Jewish migration to countries other than the United States peaked around 1933; was just about equal to the U. S.-bound migrant stream by 1938; and fell off in 1939–1940. The Jewish case raises several theoretical and methodological issues, including the definition of migrant motivation as well as the framing of immigration policy as products of mixed factors – both political and economic.     

Moving Through Social Networks: The Case of Armenian Migrants in the Czech Republic

This paper brings attention to the role of social networks in the migration of asylum seekers and explores how the embeddedness of the migrants in social networks both facilitates and constrains their mobility in different phases of the migration process. It reconstructs the migration paths of eight Armenian migrant families who arrived in the Czech Republic as asylum seekers during the 1990s and the beginning of the twenty‐first century. By examining the narrated stories of the Armenian migrants it shows that social networks formed an important context for employing various migration strategies in all phases of the migration process, and that the meaning and character of migrants’ social networks changed over time. In the initial phase of decision‐making about migration as well as on their journey, it was mainly weak ties of random acquaintances that played a dominant role. The position of the migrants in those networks was rather insecure. They held a little control over the information they received, but in these vulnerable situations they had to rely on their weak ties, which strongly influenced their mobility. In the arrival and settlement phases the social context of the refugee camp hindered the cultivation of social ties outside the migrants’ circle on one hand, and facilitated development of bonding ties among the migrants on the other. Bonding social networks enabled inclusion of the Armenian migrants into various social spheres especially at the beginning of the settlement process. However, the bounded character of these networks was also recognized as excluding them from access to resources of the dominant society and preventing their social mobility in later phases of their settlement. Thus, bridging networks that provide access to certain resources of the dominant society were sought.     

Market and Direct Allocation of Labor Through Migration*

Recent research suggests that the relationship between migration and labor allocation has changed in two ways: (1) fewer migrations are job-related; and (2) more of the remaining job-related migrations are job transfers instead of purely market-induced mobility. Data from the 1973–77 U.S. Annual Housing Surveys are used to compare characteristics of market-induced and job-transfer migrants/Both forms of migration occur among all income, education, and age groups. However, the income attainment processes for these migrants suggest that relocations are overrepresented among those primary jobs described by dual labor market theory. Since many of the benefits of primary jobs are age-related, both the increasing frequency of occupational relocations and weakening of the American economic position suggest that the benefits expected by those relocated may be difficult to provide.