Wages Due Lesbians: Visibility and Feminist Organizing in 1970s Canada

In this article I look at the emergence of Wages Due Lesbians, a lesbian group that was part of the Marxist feminist group Wages for Housework in Canada. In presenting Wages Due as a historical case study, I re‐visit the notion of ‘visibility’ in relation to lesbian motherhood in Canada in the 1970s through an examination of struggles for welfare, child custody, and against violence. Through this case study I present the shifting ideas regarding respectability and homosexuality from the 1970s to today.     

Globalizing social movement theory: The case of eugenics

Transnational social movements are affected not only by national-level factors, but also by factors that operate at the global level. This article develops two conceptual tools for analyzing global factors: international political opportunity and global culture. The conduciveness of both factors appears to be important in understanding eugenics activity, which this article examines as a transnational social movement. The lack of international political opportunity before World War I and the hostile climate of global culture after World War II hindered eugenic mobilization during these periods, while the emergence of opportunities and cultural conduciveness during the Interwar period was associated with movement growth and effectiveness.     

Impairment on the move: the disabled incomer and other invalidating intersections

In this article, I argue that disabled people and immigrants are subjected to similar forms of representation. I draw on examples from theology in the Christian Middle Ages, the influence of eugenics on late nineteenth and twentieth-century US immigration policy and welfare reform in contemporary neoliberal Britain. These vignettes are invoked as case studies to illustrate how ableism follows impairment on the move and to point to the ways in which the confluence of ethnocentric and ableist fantasies about strangers brings the history of disability and migration onto the same terrain of disrepute.     

Eugenic Family Politics and Social Democrats: "Positive" Eugenics and Marriage Advice Bureaus

Abstract  During the first half of the twentieth century eugenics became a mainstream body of thinking and an approach to the solution of social problems across Europe and North America. Fears of degeneration and certain notions of heredity and fertility had produced widespread discourses regarding threats to the nation's health and its reproductive capacities. Governing nations' procreative activities shaped social policies and practices thus placing gender and sexuality at the centre of analysis. The article examines how eugenics became an axis of intervention in family and reproductive politics through discourses and practices of "positive" eugenics. The substantive focus here is on the eugenic content of premarital advice and family politics in Switzerland assessing the impact of the eugenics movement as well as the women's movement. The article contributes to a growing body of scholarship on comparative historical analyses of eugenics by contextualising Switzerland in a eugenic international.     

The Ambiguous Role of Welfare Structures in Relation to the Emergence of Activism Among Disabled People: research evidence from Northern Ireland

The boundary between the disability movement and traditional forms of welfare production, whether in the statutory or voluntary sectors is discussed in this article. Drawing on the resource mobilization paradigm in social movement theory, it discusses the role played by existing welfare structures in the formation of disabled people as activists and in the initial stages of mobilization. The article reports on the findings of interviews with activists in the emerging disability movement in Northern Ireland, a region with a very low level of movement activity. It concludes that in such areas, disabled people often lack the resources to mobilize on their own account and are heavily dependent on formal welfare for the necessary networks and opportunities. Although this can be a significant constraint, it is not necessarily so if these opportunities enable the infant movement associations to grow beyond the welfare settings lying behind their emergence. This is more likely to take place if other supportive factors are in place. Many of the required resources are to be found within more traditional voluntary organisations. Few of these organisations play any role in the process of mobilization. But where mobilization is taking place, they are invariably present.     

The Making of “La Gran Familia Mexicana”: Eugenics,Gender, and Sexuality in Mexico

This article examines the impact of Mexican eugenics on different programs relating to the family throughout the post-Revolutionary period. It deals with how Mexican elites thought about the family and how these discussions delimited who should be part of or exist under the banner of “la gran familia mexicana”. I discuss how eugenicists' debates regarding motherhood, puericulture, class, and different preventive health measures were intended to keep “undesirables”—or the people who, in their view, should not be part of “la gran familia mexicana”—at bay. I argue that science was used as a tool for implementing different eugenic plans that would make ideas of mestizaje and “rational mixing” into the modern Mexican nation. I argue that according to the Mexican Society of Eugenics (MSE), it was through the regulation of individual families and the acceptance of eugenic precept of self-management and rational reproduction that the creation of the national family was to be crafted. Thus, the “gran familia mexicana” would become the organizing principle for both the individual and broader national dynamics in Mexico.     

The Work of Caring for Children

Abstract

In this article I present a textual analysis of the child care policy debates that took place in the United States during the late 1980s. I identify and illustrate two themes that emerged in these debates. The first expressed a commitment to the “traditional” nuclear family and a belief in the importance of full-time motherhood for children's well-being. The second expressed a devaluation of two aspects of women's caregiving: the mother-work of welfare recipients and the work performed by child care providers. I argue that the views comprising these two themes contributed to the limitations of the federal child care legislation that was adopted in 1990.     

Transnational politics at the edges of sovereignty: social movements,crossings and the state at the US–Mexico border

This article documents the history of border crossings among a group of social movement activists located in southern Arizona. By comparing two types of US–Mexico border crossings separated ten years apart, the article explores how political groups become ‘transnationalized’ and in relation to what kinds of ‘states’. By contrasting the shift from a state‐centric movement to a transnational coalition, the case study analyses why, in the later period, political activists were no longer able to identify the same kind of state. In chronicling the disappearance of one kind of state formation and the emergence of a transnational one, this research argues that globalization—rather than simply reflecting a decline of the nation state—is a process entailing not only new forms of transnational political activism but also new forms of the state.     

To Cut and Control: Institutional Preservation and the Sterilization of Mentally Retarded People in the United States, 1892–1947

Abstract Between 1892 and 1947, American institutional superintendents argued three distinct, though overlapping, cases for sterilizing mentally retarded people: sterilization to maintain institutional order, sterilization for eugenic control, and sterilization for controlling the growth of institutional populations. Departing from recent critics who see sterilization as a debate between 'segregation or sterilization' and who link this debate principally to the eugenics movement, I argue that superintendents drew on the above rationales to preserve their institutions in the face of several external factors, not merely eugenics. As such, sterilization became a 'medical' procedure constructed not so much for its explicit purpose - stopping procreation, but to maintain institutional stability and preserve professional prerogative.     

Transnational aging careers: on transformation of kinship and citizenship in the context of migration among Bulgarian Muslims in Spain

This article focuses on “transnational aging careers,” a group of elderly migrants who are in constant movement between social contexts, families, and states. Drawing on a case of Bulgarian Muslim migrants in Spain, I look into the ruptures in the structure of care arrangements, kin expectations, and family relations, which migration triggers. I suggest that these transformations, albeit subtle, lead to reformulation of the fabric of the family. In this way, transnational care-motivated mobility affects future security based on kin reciprocity. At the same time, migration disrupts aging careers’ social citizenship both in Bulgaria and in Spain by limiting or even excluding them from state welfare support. I argue that these two lines of transformation, kinship and citizenship, result in new forms of gender and intergenerational inequalities. Furthermore, their intersection leads to a move from welfare to kinfare, which not only affects present arrangements between migrants, but also entails future insecurities.     

Politics, Social Movements, and the Body

This paper outlines a conceptual idea of the 'body' in social movement research that captures how the body is both the materialization of civic culture and empowering agent of change. After critically reviewing the three main debates on the body literature –'biopolitics', 'embodiment' and 'feminism'– I explain why each fails to provide an adequate account of the embodied self in social movements. I suggest combining the concepts of 'performativity. and 'performance' to capture how social movements use, challenge, and reproduce civic norms to construct 'embodied performances' as forms of symbolic communication for the purposes of stimulating cultural and political change. By combining the two concepts, I will put forth an theory of the body in social movements that addresses: 1) the constraints of normative civic ethics that limit possible forms of struggle as well as foreshadow political consequences 2) how embodied performances create community and solidarity within a heterogeneous population to make mobilization possible and 3) the stratification and sometimes fracturing of social groups during the social movement process.     

Indigenous data,indigenous methodologies and indigenous data sovereignty

The field of Indigenous methodologies has grown strongly since Tuhiwai Smith’s 1999 groundbreaking book Decolonizing Indigenous Methodologies. For the most part however, there has been a marked absence of quantitative methodologies with the methods aligned with Indigenous methodologies predominantly qualitative. This article proposes that the absence of an Indigenous presence from Indigenous data production has resulted in an overwhelming statistical narrative of deficit for dispossessed Indigenous peoples around the globe. Using the theoretical concept of Indigenous Lifeworlds this article builds on the core premises of Walter and Andersen’s 2013 book Indigenous quantitative methodologies. Arguing for a fundamental disturbance of the Western logics of statistical data the article details recent developments in the field including the emergence of the Indigenous Data Sovereignty movement. The article also explores Indigenous quantitative methodologies in practice using the case study of a Tribal Epidemiology Centre in New Mexico.     

Poverty,public assistance,and children in intact and single-mother families

This article examines the effects of poverty, public assistance, and family structure on school-age children's home environment and developmental outcomes using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. The central question of this study is whether public support negatively affects school-age children's developmental outcomes, thereby contributing to the intergenerational transmission of welfare dependency. The results show that long duration and late timing of poverty have a detrimental effect on home environment and child developmental outcomes. Long duration of public assistance disturbs reading ability for children of intact families only. Late timing of public assistance actually enhances the cognitive and emotional environment and has a greater effect on the emotional environment for single-mother families. Long duration and late timing of single motherhood are detrimental to the emotional environment. Taken together, the findings suggest that the process of intergenerational transmission of welfare dependency during school-age years is primarily attributable to poverty and single motherhood rather than the duration and timing of public assistance. This study was supported in part by a William T. Grant Foundation research grant and in part by Grant No. 5-T32-HD07329-07 from the Center for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD), to the RAND Corporation. Her research interests include the family and public policy, particularly single mothers and their children. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990.     

Freedom as self-transgression: transformations in the ‘governmentality’ of social work

This article takes as its starting point the growing prominence of what might be called ‘neo-philanthropic’ forms of knowledge in social work during recent years. Inspired by Foucault's concepts of genealogy and governmentality, the article presents an historical analysis including eighteenth century poor policies, philanthropy in the late nineteenth century, welfare planning in the 1960s and the emergence of neo-philanthropic social work from the 1980s onwards. The article argues that the recent rediscovery of concepts and techniques invented by late nineteenth-century philanthropy breaks with traditional welfarist forms of knowledge and practices of social work. As a result, it seems that social work is now to foster new kinds of subjects and create new types of communities. This development indicates that a more profound transformation of the welfare state and its conception of citizenship might be taking place.

The article draws upon the PhD thesis entitled The Genealogy of Social Work: The Struggle to Turn the Poor and Marginalized into Free Persons by the author.     

Atencingo Revisited: Political Class Formation and Economic Restructuring in Mexico's Sugar Industry1

Abstract Sugarcane growers have had a close relationship to the state since the 1940s when a series of decrees established a heavy state intervention in the sugar industry, which then became highly regulated. Growers became loyal to the state in exchange for low but secure incomes and other social guarantees. After the introduction of economic liberalism in Mexico during the mid-1980s (called "neoliberalism" in Mexico), the sugar industry became largely de-regulated, and sugar mills were reprivatized. This article explores the process of political class formation in the sugarcane region of Atencingo, in the state of Puebla. Whether cane growers posit peasant, proletarian, or peasant-entrepreneurial demands is examined, as is the character of organizations and alliances that direct producers have established since the 1930s (oppositional, popular-democratic, or bourgeois-hegemonic). This paper documents the emergence of a peasant-entrepreneurial class and presents initial results from a survey questionnaire administered in 1995. Rather than offering an economic argument based on a narrowly defined class position, this explanation emphasizes the prevailing regional cultures, the forms of state intervention, and the types of leadership-the crucial mediating determinations that explain political outcomes in Atencingo and other regions of rural Mexico.     

Neoliberal motherhood during the pandemic: Some reflections

In this article, I argue that there are at least three essential elements that inform the idealized mother figure today and I reflect upon the effects the COVID‐19 pandemic has on each of these elements. The three essential elements in the contemporary understanding of motherhood reflect neoliberal concerns and are related to mothers’ unpaid work, the female body and mothers’ participation in the labour market. These three elements have been distilled with the help of secondary literature and are based on initial observations and interview results that had been conducted as part of an ongoing research project on contemporary motherhood practices of upper‐middle‐class mothers from Switzerland, Turkey and Germany. Consequently, the focus in this article lies on upper‐class and upper‐middle‐class women. In contrast to optimistic visions that envision the end of neoliberalism, I argue that the neoliberal understanding of motherhood is likely to persist and to re‐emerge as the dominant model of motherhood in the wake of the pandemic.     

The Emergence of Associational Life in México’s Wild West: Pioneering Civic Participation,Sea Turtle Conservation,and Environmental Awareness in Baja California Sur

This research explores the contributions of the sea turtle conservation movement in Baja California Sur (B.C.S.), Mexico, to the growth of associational life in the state. Mexico has historically been known as a country with a traditionally weak associational life. Yet, the activities of sea turtle NGOs and community groups presented a unique case study to better understand the social, political, and strategic factors that have contributed to voluntary civic engagement and the environmental successes of the movement. Through 799 interviews and surveys with public stakeholders, this research utilized Sabet’s (Democratization 2:410–432, 2008) focus on political opportunity, efforts to reform informal rules, and supportive social networks, as an explanatory framework to help describe the emergence of associational life. We found that the sea turtle conservation movement in B.C.S. has become accessible to a diversity of interests and individuals. We found unexpected results in the extent of federal environmental agency complaisance in regard to the involvement of NGOs in conservation programs and environmental policy decisions that have traditionally been the sole domain of the Government of Mexico.     

‘Nobody should feel alone.’ Re-introducing socially excluded,cultural and ethnic minority children and young people to educational and vocational opportunity

This article reports on some of the findings from a five-nation study of projects working to re-introduce cultural and ethnic minority children and young people to educational training and work. It focuses upon the work of independent mediators in Anderlecht (Brussels) and Den Helder (Holland) in facilitating communication and collaboration between students, families, welfare and criminal justice agencies, schools and colleges and employers. In particular it considers the mediator's role in bringing together the ‘minimum sufficient network’ of professionals and resources necessary to make an ‘intelligent’ response to a problematic situation and the consequent emergence of new forms of ‘meta-professionalism’.     

Women's Welfare and Social Security Privatization in Mexico

Several Latin American countries have fully or partially privatizedtheir public pensions since the 1980s. In 1995 Mexico privatizedits public pension system, including a shift from a definedbenefit to defined contribution system based on privately administeredindividual accounts. This article uses feminist criteria toevaluate the gender impact of welfare regimes and concludesthat the Mexican pension privatization will have a negativeeffect on women’s welfare in old age.     

Confronting Gender Discrimination in the Mexican Workplace

Abstract

This article focuses on the issue of gender discrimination in Mexico, in light of NAFTA since passed in 1993. A model of transnational contention from social movement theories is modified and used to analyze the integration of actions by Mexican, US and Canadian women's and labor group's actions, as they fight for Mexican pregnant workers' rights. Data from interviews with labor leaders, female legislators, political parties and feminist NGOs in Mexico and tri-national government documents are processed in a typology of transnational contention, revealing a high degree of integrated transnational and domestic efforts-which I argue is the basis for a growing women's labor movement in the region.