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1.
自海湾战争以来,伊拉克问题一直是国际社会关注的焦点。英国通过对美国采取追随外交,在历次伊拉克危机中扮演着和美同样重要的角色。本文试以海湾战争、伊拉克战争和伊战后重建为研究个案,对英在伊拉克问题上的追随外交进行了梳理,认为其传统的“三环外交”在后冷战时期已发生了重大变化,不仅将英美“特殊关系”置于三环之首,且对美的追随外交愈演愈烈。  相似文献   

2.
美国的均势外交思想和实践与其地缘特征密切相关。远离欧亚大陆的地缘孤立以及在多条战线上维持支配地位的需要阻碍了美国有效参与欧亚大陆的权力争夺,均势外交成为美国谋求霸权的“法宝”。冷战结束后,美国的霸权基础更为脆弱;海湾战争以来的美国中东政策偏离了均势外交的要求,转而寻求武力支配中东地区;伊拉克战争更使美国的战略重心向中东地区倾斜,暴露了美国全球战略的缺陷。美国中东政策的困境在于布什政府对美传统均势外交的背离。不管2008年美国大选结果如何,未来美国中东政策将围绕重启中东均势外交作进一步调整。  相似文献   

3.
美国的均势外交思想和实践与其地缘特征密切相关。远离欧亚大陆的地缘孤立以及在多条战线上维持支配地位的需要阻碍了美国有效参与欧亚大陆的权力争夺,均势外交成为美国谋求霸权的“法宝”。冷战结束后,美国的霸权基础更为脆弱;海湾战争以来的美国中东政策偏离了均势外交的要求,转而寻求武力支配中东地区;伊拉克战争更使美国的战略重心向中东地区倾斜,暴露了美国全球战略的缺陷。美国中东政策的困境在于布什政府对美传统均势外交的背离。不管2008年美国大选结果如何,未来美国中东政策将围绕重启中东均势外交作进一步调整。  相似文献   

4.
"9·11"事件后,在"反恐"的名义下,美国发动了阿富汗战争,继而又发动伊拉克战争.在军事打压的同时,小布什政府又提出"大中东倡议",对阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界进行"柔性改造",亦即借传媒力量来影响和控制阿拉伯-伊斯兰国家,进而争得民心,实现军事手段所无法达到的目的.因主客观原因,修复美国在阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界的形象成为美传媒外交的重要内容.从目前来看,小布什政府在阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界的传媒外交尚未取得成功,美国的国家形象也未获得改善,甚至有愈抹愈黑的迹象.这与美国在中东一贯推行的双重标准、阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界本土传媒的反弹和美的霸权心态等有关.  相似文献   

5.
2003年3月20日,美国以伊拉克支持恐怖组织和隐藏大规模杀伤性武器为由发动了对伊战争。由于这一次是海湾战争爆发后美国又一次进军伊拉克领土,所以此次战争又称"第二次海湾战争"。事实上,美国之所以绕开联合国、不顾国际社会的反对而发动伊拉克战争,是要通过这场战争来推翻反美政权,取得对伊拉克的石油控制权。本文将以理论分析为角度,通过经典国际政治理论来分析美国发动伊拉克战争的国家层次上的动机。  相似文献   

6.
二战爆发前,英、法、美、日等列强形成了多极格局,其中英法在中东开展了殖民外交,其本质是掠夺;二战后,美苏超级大国形成了两极格局,开展了联盟外交,其本质是控制;全球金融危机爆发后,"一超多强格局"向"后一超多强格局"演变,以美、俄、欧和日本为代表的大国和大国集团在中东谋求扩大军事影响,开展准联盟外交,其本质是维护军事安全.以中国为代表的转型国家也在中东开展准联盟外交,但主张在平等协商和共同繁荣的基础上应对共同发展问题,其本质是维护民生,中阿合作论坛、中国同埃及、沙特和苏丹等核心大国的双边合作机制以及中东热点问题解决机制是中国开展中东准联盟外交的三个主要平台.新时期大国在中东的准联盟外交是国际体系转型的必然结果,中东安全体系多元化、经济相互依赖和大国身份转变使大国在中东的准联盟外交各具特色.  相似文献   

7.
本文以外交问题为研究对象,对新形势下我国外交环境及策略进行分析.首先本文从实际出发,对新形势下我国外交政策进行简要分析.在此基础上,本文结合新形势下国际局势从政治、经济与地缘等三个方面对我国外交环境及优势进行分析.综合上述分析,本文有针对性地对新形势下我国的外交策略提出四点建议:集中精力处理主要矛盾,进一步扩展中国话语权,维护亚太地区的稳定与发展,重点处理好与美国的关系.旨在为外交学研究工作者提供参考与借鉴.  相似文献   

8.
中国作为西方"他者文化"的想象体而存在,中国外交形象在国际话语体系中一直处于不利地位,"中国威胁论""强势崛起论"成为目前中国外交形象的主要标签。如何塑造大国外交形象,让他者更好地理解中国外交政策,如何进行中国外交形象的跨文化传播,避免"修昔底德陷阱"问题,影视作品在此方面担任着极为重要的意识形态传输的职责。纪录片《大国外交》是一部典型的政教宣传片,详细介绍了中国外交政策战略部署,构建了以习近平总书记为核心的中国新一代大国外交形象。本文以纪录片《大国外交》为文本,深入探析影视作品应该如何建构中国外交形象,如何更好地进行跨文化传播。同时,希望本文的研究成果可以为以后的政教宣传片的拍摄提供一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

9.
伊拉克战争为公众参与中国中东外交政策制定提供了机会,参与群体前所未有地扩大,参与途径全面拓展,不同意见的表达开始涌现,公众主动对外交建言献策,开始有意施加民意压力。更为重要的是,公众意见开始成为外交部门对外传播国家主张的背景支撑和参考因素。公众因素开始成为中国制定中东外交决策时需要考虑的重要参数之一,但其影响力有限,更多是参考和制约作用,其影响正处于发展之中。  相似文献   

10.
中国外交现在面临三类问题:长期历史遗留下来的问题、"改革开放"过程中带来的问题、正在生成且不断增长的挑战.这些问题是一个长长的清单,相互关联和复合. 中国眼下的外交困境,不是奥巴马政府以中国为主攻方向的"再平衡",也不是日本新右翼对中国的进攻,以及中国一些"周边"邻国与中国关系的新紧张.中国外交的困境来源于上述三类问题在一个特定时空的集合.  相似文献   

11.
A study of the EU system for regulating medicinal products is used to show the usefulness of distinguishing between policy-making and scientific expertise when analyzing political decision-making. This approach presupposes identifying the characteristics of scientific expertise. The experts responsible for assessing drugs have to combine knowledge and action. Questions are raised about how work is shared between decision-makers and experts. In the case of medicinal products, the work of experts has absorbed decision-making. Lest we waver between explanations in terms either of science or else of politics, it is necessary to substantively identify expertise’s political dimensions. Two conceptions — the “healthy man’s” and the “sick man’s” — of the purpose of assessing medicinal products stand out in debates; but political authorities pay no heed to them.  相似文献   

12.
The issue of legitimation by political elites has been a central concern of political scientists for many years. This article draws upon the work of Murray Edelman who was instrumental in analysing this relationship between rulers and ruled, the relatively powerful and relatively powerless, through an understanding of language, symbolism and the manipulation of information. It concludes with the contention that the Internet offers the prospect for governments to create new 'electronic faces', which act to support a symbolic architecture of power.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

This article addresses the theological and liturgical problem of incorporating mythic traditions of the divine feminine into contemporary practice, given the typically essentialist nature of these traditions. The article considers the dream practice of a Jewish women’s learning community, the Kohenet Hebrew Priestess Institute, and applies this practice to several “dragon dreams” in which dragons appear as powerful, erotic, sacred figures that “queer” the divine feminine by offering a norm-upending vision of what the feminine is and does. These dragon dreams provide a powerful alternative to traditional Jewish images of the female dragon in which the dragon represents the demonic feminine. I suggest that dreams can offer a “queering” of mythic images of the sacred feminine because they contain images that have mythic depth but also upend norms and expectations. The article then explores how these dragon images have made their way into the liturgy and theology of the Kohenet Hebrew Priestess Institute.  相似文献   

14.
The writing of a “transversal” report on employment at the OECD is examined by focusing not on the finished product but, instead, on the drafting of the report. This approach allows for exploring the dynamics of power at work inside the OECD. It opens toward broader considerations about how this type of international organization produces knowledge in economics and weaves relations, throughout the long process of drafting the report, with those who requested it. This article analyzes how economic issues are assembled through a succession of intermediate studies and reshaped through an asymmetrical competition between services. By making visible the process of constructing the position of “institutional author”, this analysis repositions on new grounds the problem of “influence”, which usually arises in organizations of this sort.  相似文献   

15.
Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman continue their conversation with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. (See ‘The Global Coliseum: On Empire’ in Cultural Studies, 16.2, (March 2002), p. 177–192). In this new interview they press the authors of Empire and Multitude on questions that have arisen both out of their own involvement with the theoretical issues generated by Empire and from new areas opened up by Multitude. Why is the multitude not a class? How can the unity of a political project be maintained in the multiplicity of the multitude? Is democracy still a project for the future? Can a political subject constitute itself outside the structure of sovereignty? In other words, what is the multitude?  相似文献   

16.
The defining moments of traditional spatially based higher education are made up of fixed and fluid experiences. These 'moments' are now creaking as funding per student falls and the romanticized ideal of an education detached from 'real' life falters under the weight of highly variable student experiences. Distance learning in all its guises has always been regarded as inferior by those embedded in the traditional system. However more and more students demand something different from costly campus-based education. It is time for a more open discussion about the tensions between richness and reach and the role that new facilities like the Internet could play in reaching more students without wallowing in the nostalgia that often accompanies such debates.  相似文献   

17.
张晓华 《现代妇女》2014,(10):278-279
One important theme of Hemingway's A Clean, Well-Lighted Place is the nothingness of life itself, At the beginning of this short story, Hemingway presents a setting--the cafe, which is familiar to us, and then moves our attention to focus on the characters within that setting, The story is told through the dialogues between the two waiters and is in third-person narration, In the following paragraphs we will focus on stylistic characteristics of this short story,  相似文献   

18.
The activity of a design office consists in producing plans for things that do not yet exist. If, through poor management, the designers fail to anticipate accurately what the product will be, work will be inappropriately allocated and divided. Given the uncertain nature of the activity and the outcome, designers are simultaneously involved in the process of producing technical solutions, a process of organisation — through constant reallocation of tasks — and a political process of ironing out disagreements — through the exploration of multiple heterogeneous possibilities.  相似文献   

19.
Development of single-user computer applications has often been based on user-centred or task-centred design methodologies, with some success. These methodologies are also useful for guiding the development of multi-user CSCW applications whenever the basic characteristics of the users, or the type of tasks for which the system is being designed are identifiable. The effectiveness of these methodologies as a basis for the design of virtual meeting environments for supporting community-based activities, on the other hand, is rather limited. This is mainly due to the fact that for such systems it is not generally possible to identify the user or task requirements, as these vary considerably from one community to another, or even within the same community over a period of time. New methodologies need to be devised, or existing methodologies have to be modified, to direct the development of virtual environments for which the characteristics of the users or their activities are not known in advance. This paper introduces the concept of information-centred design. Information-centred design, though not fully devised yet, focuses on the identification of the type of information, as well as the way it is collected and utilized by the users of a virtual meeting environment. This pool of information, which plays an important role in facilitating interaction and communication between the members of a community, could be defined as their communal memory.  相似文献   

20.
Field research on ‘young Moroccan Jihadists in Syria and Iraq from northern Morocco’ unexpectedly revealed the mundane factors behind their recruitment represented in the self-realization and the search for heroism, adventure and money, were the main reasons for the recruitment of young people in northern Morocco terrorist organizations, especially the Daesh. The religious factor is secondary. To combat terrorism and extremism which is spreading in the MENA region requires political will. Appropriate laws should be enacted as soon as possible and policies must be implemented to ensure border control, the closure of financing ports, propaganda platforms, anti-addiction, etc.  相似文献   

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