Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

Gendered Pathways to the Political: The Political Participation of Women Factory Workers in Mexico*

Objectives. The objective of this article is to analyze the mobilization factors available within and without international factories that do and do not contribute to political participation of employees, hypothesizing that the quantity, type, and causal linkages will vary by gender. Methods. Using original survey data of factory employees (N=402) in multiple sectors and regions in Mexico, I test common explanations as to how the factory experience stimulates and stifles the political participation of women employees, exploring whether the causal linkages between the workplace and political engagement are the same for women and men. Results. Contrary to some of the recent research that reveals men to be more politically engaged than women in the Mexican population overall, my data show that among factory workers there is rough parity between men's and women's levels of political engagement. A distinction of note, controlling for other variables, female employees are more likely than male employees to engage in informal political activities. Conclusion. The international factory experience appears to have a limited “egalitarian” effect. The distribution of factors leading to political mobilization for women and men is not equal, yet women are able to translate a distinct set of factors into participation.     

网络政治参与与青年政治意识的发展

青年的网络政治参与对政治意识发展具有特殊的重要意义。青年的精英意识意味着青年政治意识的责任化,参与精神意味着青年政治意识的实践化。青年政治参与主要表现为网络政治参与,但尚存在群际隔离与互动失序、政治冷漠与政治热情相交织、政治态度倾向上的不满意度及从众性偏激增加以及网络行为的娱乐化、看客心理与"政不关己"的集体无意识等局限与误区。对于青年的网络政治参与,应当以社会利益激发其网络参与动机、引导参与方向,通过教育使青年网民成长为"组织化的公众",训练思想政治教育者成为在线"意见领袖",建立引导网络政治参与的青年教育"在线联合体",并从法律、道德、技术等方面对青年的网络表达进行多向度、发展性规制。     

Political and Civic Participation Among Disadvantaged Urban Mothers: The Role of Neighborhood Poverty*

Objective. This article explores the relationship between neighborhood economic conditions and mothers' political and civic participation, examining whether this relationship is conditioned on mothers' individual characteristics. Methods. Using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well‐Being Study, it tests specifically whether neighborhood poverty influences mothers' voting and voluntary behavior differently depending on their income, education, race/ethnicity, and relationship status. Results. The results suggest that the relationship between neighborhood poverty and voting behavior depends on mothers' education level and relationship status, whereas the relationship between neighborhood poverty and mothers' volunteer work varies by race and relationship status. Conclusions. The results are in accordance with what some qualitative research has long suggested: that the relationship between neighborhood conditions and individual outcomes varies from person to person and group to group. Future research on “neighborhood effects” should continue to move beyond homogeneous explanations for how neighborhoods influence behavior and instead seek to determine the specific conditions under which neighborhoods exert influence on individual outcomes.     

Ideological Extremism and Public Participation*

Objectives. Does aggregate ideological extremism reduce public participation? Does participation in governance processes fall when the social environment shifts to the extreme left or the extreme right of the political spectrum? Our main hypothesis is that the aggregate ideological orientation of the social environment constrains volunteerism in social regulatory programs. Methods. We test our hypothesis using a panel tobit analysis of data from the federal Long‐Term Care Ombudsman Program. Results. Our model of public participation (expressed as volunteerism) shows that participation expands when the ideological position of a state's citizens is at the extreme left or right of the political continuum. We show the differential effects of two types of aggregate ideological orientation: of citizens and their political leaders. We further find that participation is greatest in states with extremely liberal citizen ideological positions. Conclusions. These findings paint a more complex picture of the effect of extremism in the social environment on public participation measured as production volunteerism. In sum, public participation is greatest when the social environment is ideologically polarized, and social regulation is strongest when volunteerism is greatest.     

Gender and Political Participation in Australia

A sizeable gender gap in political participation, such that men are more likely to be active than women, is a well-established cross-national finding. But evidence for Australia is scarce, particularly in recent times, and so is international evidence since the mid-1970s. The 1984–85 Australian National Social Science Survey shows only a small gender gap to exist in a variety of political activities, in contrast to past findings. Furthermore, controlling for political interest largely explains the gap in rates of orthodox political participation. A significant gender gap remains in political protest activities, however, despite the introduction of a wide range of controls.     

宗族与农民的政治参与——对浙中祝村的经验研究

通过对祝村调查,本文指出:(1)尽管在许多正式的制度安排上,个体已成为首要的权责承担者,但在实际的社会生活和政治行为中,当代农民尚处于从"村民"、"族人"等等走向以个体为本位的"公民"的途中;(2)在利益关系是约束农民政治参与的最根本、最重要的因素的情况下,宗族对于农民的政治参与、特别是对于宏观政治的参与,实际上已没有太大的影响;(3)从祝村调查还可以进一步看出,不能仅仅将宗族作为"自变量"来看它对农民政治参与的影响,还应该将宗族对政治参与、政治发展的影响本身看作是经济、政治、文化等宏观变化的"因变量".     

农民工的市民化及其政治参与问题探析

我国城市化的快速发展和社会转型的加剧,使农民工问题日益成为我国社会的一个重要问题,特别是农民工的市民化和政治参与问题更加突出。农民工市民化存在着体制和文化两方面的障碍,同时由于现存的二元户籍制度、农民工艰难的生存状态以及传统政治文化的消极影响,使农民工的政治参与日益边缘化。为了更好地实现社会公平和社会稳定,必须切实解决农民工的市民化和政治参与问题。为此,需要从改革传统的城乡分割的二元户籍制度、改革选民登记制度、改善农民工的物质生活条件、优化农民工生存和发展的社会文化环境几个方面努力。     

Political Participation Among Latinos in the United States: The Effect of Group Identity and Consciousness*

Objective. How do group identity and consciousness affect Latinos' political participation in the United States? Recent studies that examine this relationship generally focus on a single ethnic group, for example, Mexicans, or the panethnic group, Latino/Hispanic, which limits the scope of their results. This study investigates how group identity and consciousness affect the political participation of differently identified Latinos. Methods. Using the unique 2007 Latino National Survey (LNS), a telephone survey of 8,500 Latino respondents, I investigate how group identity and consciousness affect political participation, as measured by electoral and nonelectoral activities. Results. Findings suggest that Latinos who self‐identify as American are more likely to engage in political action; however, a sense of group consciousness among ethnic, panethnic, and racial‐identified Latinos alters this effect. Conclusion. The type of and extent to which Latinos engage in political action is contingent on primary self‐identity and specific aspects of group consciousness.     

Pulling Toward or Pulling Away: Deliberation,Disagreement, and Opinion Extremity in Political Participation*

Objective. Evidence supports two somewhat contradictory notions: deliberation is to encourage engagement, but disagreement may decrease participation. This study aims to provide a common denominator in the debate. It distinguishes between deliberation and political disagreement that emerges during deliberation to test which factors advance or thwart participatory goals. This study also accounts for opinion extremity, which may moderate the tested relationships. Methods. This study draws on quasi‐experimental data from participants in structured, moderated, and heterogeneous face‐to‐face deliberations on sexual minority rights in Poland (N=181). Results. Relative to the pretest, deliberation discouraged moderates from active engagement and pulled them away from communicative participation. As predicted, extreme participants who perceived high disagreement intended to be more active than their counterparts in like‐minded groups. Conclusions. Research on deliberative versus participatory democracy should differentiate between deliberation and political disagreement as well as account for individual characteristics that affect responses to deliberation and disagreement. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.     

Preparing for Elite Political Participation Simulations and the Political Socialization of Adolescents

Objective. We ask: How do socialization experiences shape adolescent perceptions of and the performance of gender in political leadership roles? We examine a political simulation, Model United Nations, which attracts academically motivated students aspiring to elite roles in politics and government. Methods. Using observational and survey data, we explore adolescent behavior in the simulation as both a learning experience and as a reflection of students' perceptions of leadership behavior. Results. Three critical observations emerge. First, the Model United Nations is a domain in which young women do not play an equal part. Female delegates take far fewer speaking turns. However, contextual factors, including membership on a committee that deals with less masculine issues and on a committee with a female chair, increase the likelihood of female turn‐taking. Second, though participants come to the event with very similar motivations, young women leave less satisfied with their personal effectiveness than do young men. Finally, female delegates are judged less favorably by themselves and others and thus as less successful in the simulation. Conclusions. These findings have normative implications for the recruitment of young women to politics.     

Democracy,Participation, and Life Satisfaction*

Objectives. We examine whether democracy, political participation, and differing systems of democracy influence individual levels of subjective well‐being. Methods. We use individual data on life satisfaction and characteristics related to satisfaction for approximately 46 countries. We estimate ordered probit models with country and time dummy variables and cluster‐adjusted robust standard errors. Results. Democracy is positively correlated with individual levels of well‐being. The opportunity to participate in the political process and whether the democracy is parliamentary or presidential are related to individual well‐being. Conclusions. Democratic institutions influence subjective well‐being. The well‐being of individuals with minority political views decreases in parliamentary systems.