维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展历史探析

本文重点探讨维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展的历史。文章认为,远古至漠北回鹘时期为维吾尔族生态伦理思想的孕育时期。这一时期维吾尔先民已经开始了对人与自然关系的思考。这一思考主要是以一种被动适应自然生态系统的经验形态呈现的。高昌回鹘汗国与喀喇罕王朝时期至近代维吾尔族生态伦理思想的形成发展时期。这一时期维吾尔先民对人与自然关系的思考已经进入到了理性的哲学思考阶段,以从整体上把握生命共同体,追求人与自然的和谐统一成为特征。探讨维吾尔族生态伦理思想产生发展的历史目的是为系统挖掘蕴含在维吾尔族自然观、生产生活方式、宗教信仰、文学典籍、禁忌习俗以及乡规民约习惯法中的维吾尔族生态伦理智慧奠定基础。     

维吾尔族的丧葬文化

维吾尔族的丧葬习俗均与伊斯兰教教义有密切的关系。这种丧葬制度是由维吾尔穆斯林对待死亡的观念所决定,是经过长期发展逐步形成的。 伊斯兰教的教义和丧葬习俗对维吾尔族的丧葬制度的形成起了决定性作用。维吾尔穆斯林的丧葬习俗包括哭丧、报丧、洗尸、亡礼、埋葬仪式、服丧等一系列程序。     

维吾尔族人生礼俗与节日习俗中的文化生态

维吾尔族在人生礼俗与节日习俗方面创造了形形色色的规约和仪式,并以异质同构的属性联系起二者,使物质民俗与非物质民俗获得有机的融合,保证了文化生态链的完整与统一.在维吾尔族人生礼俗与节日习俗中,无论是诞生礼与诺鲁孜节中同构的生态属性,成人礼与巴拉提节中同构的生态主题,还是婚嫁礼俗与肉孜节中同构的生态形式,丧葬礼俗与古尔邦节中同构的生态意蕴,其文化生态的支点都是快乐的教化和快乐的成长.     

从《红楼梦》中的丧葬看中国传统丧葬习俗

<红楼梦>中比较详细地介绍了当时社会中的各种风俗现象,其中也以生动的笔调描写了一些人物的葬礼,从中可以看到当时的丧葬礼仪、风俗和观念.     

民国时期贵州丧葬习俗的变化

丧葬,作为中国传统民俗文化,随着历史的变迁而不断发展演变,在民国这个特殊的时期,中国的思想、文化、科学等各方面都大大受到西方的影响,贵州丧葬表现出了过渡的特征,比如,封建迷信色彩仍大量存在,但踏上了渐开风化、脱离迷信的道路,孝道观念、迷信色彩逐渐改变,并且出现新式的丧葬礼仪以及公墓等等。     

哈尔滨穆斯林丧葬习俗演变探析

哈尔滨穆斯林是在特定的历史条件下迁徙到黑龙江省的、信仰伊斯兰教的民族,因此其生活习俗、饮食习惯、婚姻习俗乃至丧葬习俗都不同于当地传统风俗,带有明显的宗教特点和民族特色.近年来,随着哈尔滨的穆斯林们与当地人的和睦相处和文化的相互融合,其传统习俗在保持伊斯兰教教义不变的前提下,发生了一些变化,而其丧葬习俗作为传统习俗中的一部分,也产生了一些变化.     

藏族丧葬习俗的文化人类学分析

本文试用文化人类学整体观这一理论方法,从藏族特有的民族文化背景和葬俗的社会功能两个方面,对藏族的丧葬习俗进行较为系统的分析。本文将从生态环境、本教、佛教和汉文化等四种文化角度探入来解读藏族丧葬习俗产生并发展所依托的民族文化背景,归结出藏族丧葬习俗所承载的四项主要社会功能。     

过渡礼仪:云南巍山坝区汉族丧葬习俗研究

中国民俗学者一直偏重从民俗的角度看待丧葬活动 ,而在西方民俗学家看来 ,丧葬活动不仅仅是一种民俗现象 ,它还是一种仪礼或仪式 ,他们的研究一方面促进了民俗类型学研究的发展 ,另一方面还为丧葬活动的结构分析和意义、功能解释提供了新的途径。本文以云南巍山坝区汉族丧葬习俗为对象 ,尝试用“过渡仪礼”理论分析其结构特征与仪式的功能、意义 ,认为从习俗视角转变到仪礼或仪式视角对丧葬活动进行研究将会对民俗学研究起到重要的参考作用     

凉山彝族丧葬习俗的文化内涵

凉山彝族的丧葬习俗历史悠久、仪式复杂,较完整的保留了原始风貌,反映出浓厚的原始宗教文化色彩,同时也透射出凉山彝族的鬼神观、生活禁忌、性别意识,以及通过祭祀圈反映出社区内部的交往情况,是研究彝族民俗文化和宗教生活的活素材.     

贵州喀斯特墓葬与民族地区的殡葬改革

Funeral and interment reform is a social revolution of changing customs and tradi-tions, which is conducive to promoting the con-struction of the socialist material, spiritual and ec-ological civilization. The replacement of burial with cremation is the direction of China’s reform on fu-neral and interment traditions. The reform itself is put forward by aiming at the disadvantages of the Han people’s traditional burial custom, however, Guizhou is a typical karst region in China, in which several forms of karst burial have existed throughout history, such as cliff coffins, cave tombs, and sarcophagi, and these customs have been continued to some certain degree up to now. Therefore, how to manage the relation between cre-mation and karst burials has a significant meaning to the respect of the ethnic minorities’ customs and promoting the funeral and interment reform in eth-nic regions. The Binzang guanli tiaoli ( Funeral and inter-ment management regulations) issued by the State Council in 1997 stipulates that “ the objective of the funeral and interment management is to carry out cremation, reform burial, save the interment land, abolish undesirable customs related to the fu-nerals and interment actively and methodically, and advocate civilized and thrifty funerary prac-tices”. That is to say, the original intentions for promoting cremation in the funeral and interment reform for many years include the advocating of thrifty funerals, reducing the burden of funerals on the masses, changing the people’s concept of luxu-rious burials, and saving the cost of funeral in the aspect of economy;banishing superstitions, getting rid of bad habits, and opposing the feudal dross in the aspect of culture; and saving resources and protecting limited cultivated land in the aspect of ecology. In general, the abolition of burial and im-plementation of cremation has become the reform direction of China’s funeral and interment system. Guizhou is a typical karst area in China. There are various forms of cliff-burying, rock tombs, sarcophagi, and cave tombs etc. , especial-ly the cave-burial which is still popular among the Waishu Miao at Taohua village in Qibo township, Pingba County and among the Qing Yao at Yaolu village in Libo County, and sarcophagus burial which is still popular among the Li clan of the Waishu Miao at Xinyi village in Guangzhao town-ship, Qinglong County. These structures reflect the karst characteris-tics of Guizhou tombs, and have an important eco-logical value. The funeral and interment reform is put forward by aiming at the drawbacks of the tra-ditional burial practices of the Han, so if the cliff burial or sarcophagus tombs which have ecological value had been forced to be replaced with crema-tion in the funeral and interment reform, it will lead to an embarrassing situation which is contrary to the original intention of the reform no matter if we consider it from cultural, economic or ecologi-cal viewpoints. Firstly, it will cause a dilemma at the cultural level. We must consider the characteristics of the funeral customs of the ethnic groups during the process of reforming the funeral and interment cus-toms in the ethnic minority areas, in other words, respect the funeral customs of ethnic minorities, as it is an important content of the CCP and the state’s policy for respecting the customs and habits of eth-nic minorities. Due to the differences in geograph-ical environment and social economy, the ethnic minorities have different funeral customs with their own characteristics. These funeral customs, as a part of ethnic culture, help to construct a ritual with a kind of ethnic identity;it is the mark of na-tional culture, which embodies ethnic emotions and maintains ethnic consciousness. The ‘univer-sal application’ in the funeral and interment sys-tem reform doubtlessly make the disappearance of karst characteristics in Guizhou’s burial culture, the diversified burial way has been replaced with single cremation, and that is not good for the pro-tection of cultural diversity. Secondly, it will cause an economic dilemma. One of the purposes of the funeral and intermentre-form is to save funeral costs, and change the con-cept of organizing luxury funerals. The traditional burial custom contains a set of complex funeral cer-emony, which is organized in a very luxurious way, spend a lot of money and increase the people’s economic burden. In contrast, cremation can save costs. However in today’s rural areas, af-ter cremation, the ashes are still buried after being put into a coffin, so it not only increases the eco-nomic burden of the people, but also does not meet the purpose for farmland conservation, hence, it is contrary to the original intention of the funeral re-form, and also causes dissatisfaction among the people. Therefore, compared with cremation, sar-cophagus and cave burial which are still popular in Guizhou are actually a more economic practice. Thirdly,it causes an ecological dilemma. The purpose of funeral reform is to save resources and protect the limited farmland. The traditional burial practice uses coffins and pile graves, which wastes wood, occupies farmland, and also pollutes the en-vironment. Therefore, the environmental protection is the premise and ultimate goal of the funeral and interment reform. Cave burial in Guizhou uses the natural caves, and does not occupy farmland; sar-cophagus burial does not use wooden coffins, so both of them belong to ecological burial practices. However, the implementation of cremation in the areas which used to conduct cave or sarcophagus-burials has created an embarrassing situation. Cave burial and sarcophagus tombs in Guizhou karst areas contain rich ecological ideas, which not only have positive social and practical significance for the protection of the ecological en-vironment of the area, but also have an important reference meaning for the promotion of “ecological funeral” or green funeral in China. Different ethnic groups and different areas have different forms of funeral customs, which have their own justifications. Therefore, the Fu-neral and Interment reform should adapt to local conditions, and take into the consideration the characteristics of the karst region in the case of Guizhou, and fully draw on the rational factors of ethnic burial. The present funeral and interment reform can take reference from the following three aspects from the ethnic burial culture of Guizhou:The first is to delimit some appropriate burial zones and maintain properly some burial customs which has ecological value. We advocate various forms of burial in these specific burial zones, for instances, tree burial of the Basha Miao in Con-gjiang country, deep burial of the Chang-clan Yao in Libo county, and sarcophagus tombs of Li-clan Waishu Miao in Qinglong County. These forms of burial with ecological protection value not only play an exemplary role for the ecological protection in ethnic regions, but also will help for the ethnic cultural inheritance. The second is to make full use of the natural characteristics of the karst area, and properly en-courage cave burial which does not take up the cul-tivated land. In this way, not only can the cave burial custom of the Yao in Libo and the Washu Miao in Pingba be kept, but also the cliff burial custom which does not take up the cultivated land could be encouraged among the residents in the karst region. This kind of cliff burial not only re-duces the waste of cultivated land, but also re-stricts the superstitious activities in the funeral. The karst area in Guizhou is very extensive, so it has a unique advantage in conducting cave burial. The funeral and interment reform can take the local conditions into consideration, and play up the ad-vantages of natural environment. Instead of empha-sizing cremation blindly, we should take the cave burial into practice. The third is to convert karst caves into ceme-tery for placing ashes so as to change the tradition-al way of building a cemetery on the hill for placing ashes in the cremation areas. In the karst area, if an area is delimited as a cremation zone, then the burial of body or burial of bone ash coffin should be prohibited. Generally, ashes should be deposi-ted in sepulchral chapels or buried in cemeteries. Although most cemeteries are built on barren hills or land, they still occupy land and waste land re-sources. The use of cement and stone materials creates white pollution. Meanwhile, the construc-tion of cemeteries destroys the mountain and causes soil erosion. Therefore, the cemetery is not the di-rection of the funeral and interment reform in the long run, and also does not meet the original inten-tion of the reform.     

清代黑龙江少数民族习俗与地理背景

本文探讨了清代黑龙江少数民族习俗与地理背景之间的关系。     

试论少数民族对北京传统民俗文化的影响

从辽代开始 ,北京逐渐成为北方乃至全国的政治、军事和文化中心 ,也成为边疆少数民族文化与中原汉族文化的交汇之地。北京的传统民俗文化 ,特别是服饰、饮食、居住、竞技娱乐、岁时节日等民俗文化 ,都曾深受少数民族 ,尤其是蒙、回、满等民族文化的影响 ,是多元一体中华民族文化的结晶与代表。     

贵州六盘水少数民族民俗文化的基本特征和历史地位

贵州六盘水是一个多民族杂居的地区,各民族在漫长的历史发展进程中都创造了源远流长、独具特色、多姿多采的民俗文化,体现在其衣食住行、文化艺术、民族节日、伦理观念等诸方面;在长期的文化演进过程中,各民族民俗文化呈现出悠久性与多元性、独特性与交融性、稳定性与变异性等基本特征,形成了六盘水多元的地方文化体系,为繁荣六盘水文化作出了巨大贡献.     

蒙古族信仰习俗与生态观浅议

本文从蒙古族古老信仰和传统法律思想两个方面对蒙古族“天人合一”的朴素的生态观进行了分析。     

回族的丧葬文化及其人文主义精神

生老病死人类所固有,而丧葬习俗模式的选择则因民族、宗教、地域等诸多因素的不同而异彩纷呈,由此形成的丧葬文化风格迥异,表现出独特的人文色彩。本文就回族的丧葬文化及其人文特色作一粗浅的探讨。     

回鹘文契约上的倒写文字

回鹘文契约中有倒写文字 ,常见于纸背。某些突厥语专家对此现象未予重视 ,因而在一些专门著作中对它们既不作标记 ,也不转写 ,在译文中往往被省略。其实 ,这些倒写文字是不能被忽视的 ,它们是回鹘文契约附言中的一部分 ,形式上它可以溯源于吐鲁番出土唐代汉文文书 ,内容上它反映着宋元时代内地经济生活中的一些规矩。回鹘文契约中倒写文字的形式与内容所表现出的年代的不一致性 ,正是回鹘文契约及回鹘人文化的一种特点。     

关于民族地区民俗旅游资源开发的几点思考

民俗具有地域性差异、观赏性别具一格、可参与性强、资源的非替代性等特点,是重要的旅游资源。在民族地区旅游产业发展中扮演着极其重要的角色,对发展民族地区经济起着不可替代的作用,是民族地区经济社会发展的重要途径,创汇增收的重要渠道以及当地居民脱贫致富的重要途径,民俗旅游的开发可以保护民族文化和当地的生态环境与资源。同时,民族地区开发民俗旅游资源应注意处理好相关的问题,走可持续发展之路。     

西北地区回族、撒拉族、维吾尔族民间婚俗舞蹈比较研究(连载)

在甘、青、宁和新疆地区 ,在民间婚礼中 ,曾经活跃着三种婚俗性的民间舞蹈表演。然而 ,随着历史的推进 ,也出现了舞蹈历史兴衰的现象。本文以中国西北地区的撒拉族、回族、维吾尔族婚礼中的舞蹈为研究对象 ,在大量第一手调查资料、文献资料的基础上 ,试图分析《堆依奥依纳》、《宴席舞》、《纳孜尔库姆》这三种婚俗舞蹈各自兴衰的过程