社会网络视野下的农民工转移与关系再建构分析——平阳坝村的个案研究

农民工日益成为学术界的研究热点,学者们从不同的角度对农民工的流动进行了分析,形成了丰硕的成果。本文试图从社会网络的视角出发,以平阳坝村为例,运用社会网络理论来分析农民工转移的途径选择,进城农民工的社会网络再建构,包括再建构的途径、作用等,并对农民工的社会网络构建提出了建议。     

“农民工”:制度安排与身份认同

本研究从“市民权”概念入手,探讨乡城迁移人员成为“非市民”的制度背景和身份建构机制。笔者认为对既有户籍制度的政府需要是户籍制度及“农民工”制度长期被维持的基本背景。而目前中央政府的放责放权与地方城市政府的自利自保倾向并不利于“农民工权益问题”的真正解决。与此同时,作为中国社会中的第三种身份,“农民工”的被建构和被广泛认同,既构成了现有“农民工”制度的合法性基础,也影响了乡城迁移者的权利意识和利益表达行动     

农民工人际传播行为及影响因素

人际传播是农民工融入城市的重要途径。本文从自我中心网络角度,以网络规模、关系构成、传播强度、网络异质性、传播内容等指标为切入点,发现农民工人际传播网呈现"内聚性"、"差序格局"的特点,并从个体因素、网络因素、流动因素三方面,解释了影响传播行为(传播频率、传播内容)的各种原因。每个原因背后,都体现着农民工随着个人在城市社会资本、生活状态的变化,而对人际传播网络和传播行为的主动调整与选择。     

大城市工业用地更新的再思考

工业用地更新是当前城市更新的重要内容.大城市地区工业用地存在着规模结构偏大、空间布局混乱、低效使用、政策干预成效有限等突出问题,是盘活存量、挖掘土地资源潜力的主要对象.目前工业用地更新面临理论困境和实践困境,需要在理论框架、技术方法和实践应用等方面实现突破;还要建立城乡统筹的视角和经济绩效、社会绩效、空间绩效综合评价的考察方法.     

如何让农民工子女分享城市教育资源？

近两年来,中国义务教育政策取得的最大突破就是：上海、广州等大城市已经允许农民工子女上公立学校,并同样享受免收学杂费的义务教育待遇。在一些城市,譬如上海,采取了把农民工子弟学校并入公立小学的政策措施。但是,从政策实施的实际效果看,不尽人意之处仍然很多。甚至从某种意义上说,如果城市社会和学校不能从根本的价值理念上接纳农民工子弟,“一校两制”的后果可能对农民工子弟造成更大的伤害。     

青年农民工的社会适应

青年农民为农民工群体中的主力军,在全球产业链中扮演着越来越重要的角色,他们越来越受到社会的关注.本文通过对浙江省杭州、温州和宁波三地青年农民工的问卷调查,试图从生活、职业、认同和交往四个维度去探究青年农民工的社会适应议题.研究结果表明:第一,青年农民工的社会适应呈现生活工作的适应性.总体上已基本适应城市的生活和工作,群体内部具有较强的趋同性--不同性别、年龄、文化程度的个体之间并没有显著的差别.第二,认同存在混沌性.他们认为除了农村户口自己已经是城市人,当中的大部分觉得大多数事情自己可以和城里人做的一样好,城市生活没有紧张感,还愿意或很愿意让别人知道自己来自农村.第三,交往的两重性.他们在初次社会化时习得了社会交往的农村特点,再次社会化时则获得了城市特点,传统与现代兼而有之.     

社会支持：青少年社区矫正的基石

随着社会的变化和时代的发展．青少年犯罪问题日益严重，对青少年适用监禁刑的弊端也日益突出。世界各国司法机构纷纷开展青少牟社区矫正的尝试，这一模式的关键是建立一整套以“青少年为本”的社会支持网络．挖掘和整合各种建设性的社会资源，有效地帮助个体解决危机、促进个人正常发展，从而实现被矫正个体的再社会化过程。本文拟从心理学的角度阐释社会支持对青少年社区矫正的重要作用．认为应该整合家庭、学校、社区和有关机构的重要资源，帮助个体形成积极的自我概念，掌握必要的社会知识和生存技能．使个体实现再社会化。     

论超大城市治理体系与治理能力现代化建设

超大城市是我国城镇体系的重要组成部分,是引领经济高质量发展、落实新发展理念、推动社会治理的策源地和前沿阵地,对大中小城市发展具有示范引领效应.我国超大城市发展还存在着治理模式碎片化、管理方式较为粗放、信息传递不畅等问题.在此次新冠肺炎疫情防控中,城市治理在资源动员、应急处置、协调配合、服务供给等方面也存在一些缺陷,亟须深入推进城市治理体系和治理能力的现代化.     

毕生发展视角下的返乡农民工社会适应

随着我国返乡农民工人数的不断增多,该群体的社会适应问题也越发引人关注。运用毕生发展理论将返乡农民工的毕生发展分为青春期、青年期、中年期三个阶段并进一步分析发现,返乡农民工的社会适应是一个从个人角色到家庭角色再到社区角色不断递进的适应过程,返乡农民工毕生发展阶段的青春期主要为个人角色适应时期、青年期主要为家庭角色适应时期、中年期主要为社区角色适应时期。解决返乡农民工的社会适应问题应当兼顾环境的改善和个体不同发展阶段的需要。     

农民工如何融入城市？

随着市场经济体制的逐步完善,政府对人口流动和迁移政策的逐步放宽,我国出现了规模越来越大的农村劳动力外出务工大潮。据统计,2003年我国实际外出务工农村劳动力已达到9900万人,且主要集中于城市地区,为城市经济和社会发展做出了很大贡献。但尽管大量农民工在城市工作、居住及生活,却由于种种原因不仅没有融入到城市中去,反而成为城市的“边缘群体”。近1亿的农民工不能融入城市,这不利于城市社会的和谐稳定,是一个严峻的社会问题。     

New Chinese Migrants in Italy

Italy joined the group of European nations with a positive migratory balance in 1980, but now the presence of an immigrant workforce is definitely embedded in the Italian development model. The shift from a net emigration to net immigration country occurred when the internal migration from southern Italy, which had provided the factories in northern Italy with the necessary manpower for their economic development, was coming to an end, and productive decentralization was beginning with the re‐emergence of small businesses. Twenty years later, small dynamic businesses that are mainly clustered in industrial districts specializing in local production are a distinctive feature of the Italian economy to the extent that among industrialized countries Italy counts the largest number of small businesses and the lowest number of employees per business (Accornero, 2000). Starting from the 1980s, opportunities for a low‐skilled labour force opened for new migrants mainly in these productive activities. In addition, throughout the 1980s and the 1990s niche opportunities for self‐employment in workshops producing for Italian suppliers were also appearing or expanding. Among other migrant groups arriving in Italy were those of Chinese origin. The crucial time for the recent migration flow from China to Italy — either directly or via other European countries, such as France and Holland — can be dated from the early 1980s. Since then, a succession of unskilled workers originating almost exclusively from the south‐eastern Chinese province of Zhejiang arrived in the country, after the family‐based chains of emigration that had almost come to a halt during the years of the Cultural Revolution had again been revitalized. The number of immigrants of Chinese origin has grown rapidly over the last 20 years, as has the number of businesses owned by the Chinese. By today, the Chinese migrant community shows the strongest entrepreneurial aptitude, and, according to recent national data, account for the largest number of small business owners among non‐European Union (EU) immigrants in Italy. Unlike the situation in most of the western European countries, such as Great Britain and the Netherlands, where the Chinese are active mainly in the catering service, in Italy their main areas of activity are the production of ready‐to‐wear garments, leather garments and bags, and woollen sweaters. Until recently, these seemed to be the only productive sectors open to Chinese immigrants. However, new trends are emerging in the employment patterns of the Chinese in Italy. The two most striking new features are the expansion from performing only simple manufacturing tasks for Italian suppliers to actually managing the entire productive process in the garment sector, and the growing employment in Italian firms, especially in the dynamic industrial districts where migrants of other origins were already working in large numbers.     

Refugees and Migrants, Migrants and Refugees. An Ethnological Approach

This essay addresses the cultural dimension of the concepts refugee and migrant in order to better define their practical validity and authenticity. Examples are drawn from doctoral research and field work with South-East Asian refugees both in camps and in France.     

The New Chinese Migrants in France

Like the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, France is one of the major centres of Chinese migration in Europe. Chinese sojourners arrived in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and the 1911 census showed the presence of 238 Chinese in the country. From 1900 to World War I, this little community remained heterogeneous in its socio‐economic and professional composition (Archaimbault, 1952). Changes in this community occurred during World War I when the lack of labourers led the French Government to recruit 140,000 Chinese workers (Wou, 1939). The 2,000 to 4,000 Chinese who remained in France after the war constituted the basis of a Chinese community in France. In the 1920s, they were joined by some 2,000 student labourers (Wang, 2001; Bailey, 1988). From the 1920s to the 1940s, Zhejiang immigration in France rose until World War II and the rise of the communist party in China stopped the movement. Yet, Chinese immigration did not cease. Migrants of Chinese origin arrived essentially from the old French Indochina (Viet Nam‐Laos‐Cambodia) (Le, 1995). Immigration from these countries increased in the 1970s when different conflicts occurred. From the late 1970s to the early 1980s, France also saw the arrival, albeit in smaller numbers, of Chinese from Hong Kong and Taiwan, family members of citizens of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The new wave of Chinese migration from PRC started in the mid‐1980s and grew steadily until now, with some peaks, e.g. in the mid‐1990s. Recent fieldwork in France approached this community, in particular, those living in France with a precarious administrative status (asylum seekers or clandestine migrants). In general, the situation of the population covered by this fieldwork was still precarious. Although the paper does not include other categories such as students, entrepreneurs, or researchers, it is nevertheless possible to gather some details on the basis of French official data and reports. The following sections deal with the growing Chinese presence in France, and their precarious status. Most recent research tends to show a diversified Chinese migrant population profile; it also shows that they are still primarily active in the French ethnic Chinese market. In the initial stages of migration, the Chinese migrants continue to maintain links with China and sometimes with Chinese communities in Europe.     

Rural-urban differences in college students’ cardiovascular risk perceptions

Abstract

Objective: To examine rural-urban differences in college students’ cardiovascular risk perceptions. Participants: College students in rural (n?=?61) and urban (n?=?57) Kentucky counties were recruited from November 2012 to May 2014. Methods: This was a secondary data analysis of a cross-sectional study examining rural-urban differences in cardiovascular risk factors. Students rated their risk for developing high blood pressure, diabetes, high cholesterol, heart disease, having a stroke, and gaining excess weight. Chi-square and logistic regression were used for data analysis. Results: Rural students had lower odds of perceived high risk for developing high blood pressure compared to urban students (odds ratio (OR): 0.32, 95% CI: 0.11–0.96) after adjusting for race, sex, and body mass index. This association was not observed after adjusting for healthcare access variables. No other significant differences were observed. Conclusions: Efforts to raise perceived risk for developing hypertension among rural college students may be warranted.     

城市新移民文化研究

作为一个文化群体的存在,"新移民"在文化上具有"山寨性"、"快餐性"、"开放性"等特征。这些特征既是他们"扎根城市生活"的生活写照,也显示了他们"永不言弃奋斗精神"之下潜伏着的集体张力。"新移民文化"在很大程度上再次点燃了城市的文化活力。"新移民文化"所拥有的现象特征与内生动力,显现出其所蕴含的城市革新力量与未来发展潜能。他们是推动中国城市化进程至关重要的一环,乃至成为整个中国未来现代化事业中值得信赖的有生力量。