雅斯尔·十娃子:苏联东干人民的天才诗人

雅斯尔·十娃子不仅是天才的诗人,而且他的名字也与东干文学的产生与发展紧密地联在一起。他为东干人民的文化的发展做出了巨大贡献。 雅斯尔·十娃子1906年(一说1903年)5月16日出生于吉尔吉斯首都伏龙芝所辖骚葫芦乡的一个贫苦的铁匠家庭。1930年他毕业于塔什干民族师范学院。还在上学期间他就开始了创作活动。当时,他和其他东干大学生一起,依据拉丁字母创造了东干字母并发行油印文学刊物《学生》。而且他对东干民间文学声生了浓厚的兴趣,并开始学习、研究。     

东干—苏联回族的历史及其现状

东干是苏联政府承认的一个少数民族,他们自称为“回族”。东干是迁居俄国的中国西北回民的后裔。由于二十多年来的政治原因,我们对苏联的东干人已不太了解了。随着中苏文化与学术交流的展开,笔者同苏联的东干学者建立了通信往来,搜集有关文献(主要是:俄,英,日文的)达一百余万字。下面,试就东干民族的历史及其现状,从几个方面作一尽可能全面的分析:     

东干人的历史与现状─—《亚瑟尔·十娃子─—一位苏联东干族诗人的生平与创作》绪论

东干族是中国穆斯林的一支，主要居住在吉尔吉斯和哈萨克斯坦，其祖先于１００余年前移居俄国。他们讲陕甘方言，用西里尔字母记录中国话。亚瑟尔·十娃子（１９０６～１９８８）是东干族最著名的诗人，他一生创作了大量诗歌和小说，并将俄文和吉尔吉斯文的文学作品译成东干文，为东干儿童编制教材，帮助他们用东干语言进行创作。亚瑟尔·十娃子曾就职于吉尔吉斯国家出版社，编辑过东干文报纸③，并以随军记者身份参加过第二次世界大战。《亚瑟尔·十娃子─—一位苏联东干族诗人的生平与创作》一书记述了十娃子的生平与成就。全书共分五章；第一章“传历”，第二章“十娃子所受的影响”，第三章“十娃子诗作”，第四章“散文与戏剧”，第五章“其他著作及成就”。书后附“十娃子作品索引”，并附录“十娃子诗歌、散文创作方法及原理”、“东干字母首末表”、“东干字母音译表”、“英文篇名及词语对照表”等资料。书中还有诗人十娃子同周恩来、老舍、艾特玛托夫、作者等人的合影以及东干民居、服饰、乐器、剪纸等大量珍贵图片资料。本书１９９１年由德国法兰克福ＶｅｒｌａｇＰｅｔｅｒＬａｎｇ出版社出版，作者斯维特兰娜·里姆斯基·科萨科夫·达耶尔博士现为澳大利亚国立大学亚洲研究所资深研究人员     

试析汉语字母商标词的英语化

随着我国对外经济交流和世界经济一体化的发展,以汉语拼音为主的汉语字母商标词已不能满足拓展国内外市场的需要。汉语字母商标词的英语化已成大势所趋。汉语字母商标词的英语化有多种表现形式。随着世界经济一体化步伐的加快,这种“英语化”了的字母商标词将越来越多。     

深深的期盼——读小说散文选《盼望》

杨峰先生编译的原苏联东干族作家小说散文选《盼望》一书,选辑了东干族文学家的18篇小说、3篇散文及前苏联著名东干族女文学评论家法蒂玛·玛凯叶娃博士的一篇序文,向我们展示了东干人民在苏联卫国战争、十月革命、和平建设等各个历史时期可歌可泣的光辉业绩所组成的一幅幅立体的、东干人民生动的历史生活画卷。我们不能不惊叹:只有百余年历史、近10万人口、六七十年民族文字历史的东干族作家文学,竟有如此丰富的内容。一1939年至1945年反对德国法西斯侵略的伟大卫国战争,是对包括3万多东干族人民在内的苏联各民族的一场严峻考验,东干族人民…     

略析《经学系传谱》中的“狭经”一词

小经,又称小儿锦、消经、狭经,指在回族等中国穆斯林民族中行州的以阿拉伯字母以及波斯字母米拼写汉语方言的特殊文字体系。但作为一种文字书写体系,并不仅仅指用阿拉伯字母拼写汉语词汇,其语法总体上来说仍然是汉语式的。小经文献的历史研究,存在着两方面的困难,     

东干的妇女--利益和命运

本文作为<东干--人和命运>专著的一章,以整个东干社会为背景,通过对几代东干妇女个人生活史的研究,展示了东干妇女社会生活变迁场景,赞美了她们对民族社会的卓越贡献.     

《回族》——文化交流的桥梁

自从收到第1期《回族》杂志并以欣喜的心情将之在2001年第3期《回族研究》上作了简要介绍后,就期待着新一期杂志的出版。作为一名自认为对东干族人民有一定了解的普通学者,我丝毫不怀疑东干人做事的执著与热情。但我也深知几位热爱民族文化事业的东干族知识分子在缺少经费、办公条件较差环境下办刊的艰辛。记得当年在中亚实习期间,经常与《回民报》的编辑到东干族聚居区去发送报纸,并收回订阅费以用于下一期报纸的费用。有时钱收不回来,报纸就不能按期发出。由于苏联解体后中亚地区经济滑坡,东干族人民的经济生活和文化生活都受到一定影响。苏联时期的《苏联回民报》（《十月的旗》）属官办性质,经费及工作人员的工资都由国家拨款,且有不错的办公条件。苏联解体后,东干人没有放弃以报刊宣传民族文化事业的传统,而是在东干协会的大力赞助及东干人民的慷慨支持下先后     

发展商品经济与学习汉语文

这是一个真实的故事:有3位傈僳族农民想出售黄连,由于不通汉语,把公斤和市斤搞错了,结果造成很大损失。这个事例说明,不通汉语文对少数民族发展商品经济,学习先进科学技术,是一个制约因素。我们祖国幅员辽阔,民族多,语言文字也多。这是我们中华民族灿烂文化、悠久历史的见证。但随着商品经济的发展,也出现了新的矛盾。拿云南来说,一千多万少数民族中有六     

从跨文化比较角度谈东干学研究的价值

中亚东干人是回族移民的后裔,现有10余万人,主要分布在吉尔吉斯斯坦、哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦三个国家.作为一个讲汉语西北方言、从体貌、生活方式等方面都异于周围其他民族且因擅长经商而成为中亚经济发展中活跃因素的东干人,历来受到许多学者的关注,因而形成以研究东干文化为内容的独立学科--东干学.本文主要从跨文化比较角度探索东干学研究对于了解回族文化在异域的变迁、中国传统文化的历史考证等方面的价值,进而就如何发挥东干人在中亚地区优势以发展与周边国家友好合作关系问题做简要阐述.     

中亚回族与口传民歌"花儿"——吉尔吉斯斯坦中亚回族民俗文化考察

东干族是指19世纪移居到中亚地区的中国西北陕甘宁回民及其后裔,亦称中亚回族。他们在130年前远离祖国之时,将西北地区的"花儿"民歌也带到了中亚地区。在苏联集体农庄时代,"花儿"民歌曾盛行于吉尔吉斯斯坦中亚回族聚居农庄,其知名歌手至今健在。苏联时期的东干语文献中也收录有"花儿"民歌。中亚回族传承了中国西北回族唱"花儿"民歌的民俗文化。在海外回族中流传的"花儿"民歌资料,是中国"花儿"体系的一个重要组成部分,也是一份珍贵的民族文化遗产,应加以研究、抢救和保护。     

楚克奇人的萨满信仰与社会变迁

The Chukchee in northeastern Si-beria have a longstanding historical tradition of shamanism which was closely integrated into their traditional society and way of life. In accordance with their different modes of subsistence, the Chuckchee are divided into two basic groups, the maritime Chukchee and the reindeer-breeding Chukchee. The maritime Chukchee lived a rela-tively settled life, and hunting sea mammals played an important role in their economy. The sea mam-mal meat was their main food, its skins and the i-vory from walrus were made into different tools, and the bones of whale were the main material used for building houses. A “unit” of maritime Chukchee was composed of people whose lives cen-tered around skin boats, and this group , included both Chukchee and non-Chukchee people. they all lived together, hunted together and organized their hunting according to a special rules. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee mainly lived a nomadic life. They ate reindeer meat, dressed in reindeer fur and lived in tents made of reindeer skins. The reindeer-breeding Chukchee formed social units composed of four to five families. They lived in scattered tents and grazed reindeer together. The unit also included some non-Chukchee people. I. Shamanism among the Chukchee The Chukchee believed that we live in a world with spirits. The world was filled with various spir-its, who could not be seenor touched, were always changing and lived a life similar with that of hu-mans. In other words, the spirits also raised rein-deer, hunted, married and bore children. Wicked spirits harmed humans by preying upon their souls or bodies. Sickness and disaster were caused by this. In order to cope with this kind of sickness and disaster, it was essential to invite a shaman to combat the wicked spirits, and in some cases, the shaman made sacrifices to please such wicked spir-its. In addition to these different kinds of spirits, there were also powerful deities, such as mountain deities, forest deities, and river deities. Such dei-ties were responsible not only for the small spirits who lived in the mountains, forests and rivers, but they also were responsible for the animals and plants that were there. People who lived in or nearby these places had to communicate with the spirits and supernatural beings living in the area before they used the area’s resources. Moreover, they had to communicate with the more powerful elements which controlled the universe. According to Vladimir Bogoraz ( Waldemar Borgorose) , shamanism among the Chukchee man-ifested itself as “Family Shamanism”, and “was still in its primary stage of development”. As such, it provided “the most characteristic, pure and primitive” features of shamanism. It was com-mon in the 1800 s and early 1900 s for males to play a leading role in most Siberian groups. Yet, in spite of male dominance in shamanism, female shamans were always considered to be“leading fig-ures in the shamanic field”. Among Chukchee and Koryak there is another kind of shaman where the male shaman takes the form of a female. This hap-pened when the shaman is possessed by the identi-ty of a female spirit. They received“the call of de-ity” to change their sex through visions. In general, Chukchee shaman experienced the call to become a shaman during their adolescence. The call usually came from shaman’s inner voice, based on which the “candidate shaman” estab-lished their relationship with deities. This sudden calling often confused the initiate, and they were not always so sure about their situation. They felt“shyness” and fear; lost interest in regular life, and were unwilling to work and communicate with others. They had no appetite, and slept a lot. They often stayed in their tentall of the time, or ran away when they went out for hunting or grazing their reindeer. Generally, young people were un-willing to accept the call of the deity. No matter if they were novice shaman or ex-pert shaman, both communicated with the “deity”through drumming and singing. Novice shaman practiced drumming, as well as singing, for long periods of time in order to master the skills–this required great patience on the part of the perform-ers. Ventriloquism was the Chukchee shaman’s specific “sorcery skill” in which they were ex-tremely skillful. Stabbing a knife into their belly was also one of the sorcery skills frequently prac-ticed by Chukchee shaman. II. The changes in Chukchee shamanism dur-ing the Soviet Period During the late 1920s and 1930s, the Soviet Union government established many schools in mi-nority regions. These newly built schools laid a firm foundation for their anti-shamanism campaign. Scholars during the Soviet period no longer regar-ded shamanism as an essential element embedded within a group’s economic life, social organization, religious life and festivals, but sought to destroy it through messages which spoke of “ideology” and“class”. As a result, Chukchee shamanism expe-rienced enormous, passive, cultural change which created a cultural breakdown. At the same time, shamanic culture also exhibited a state of conflict, resistance and avoidance to survival. After World War II, the Soviet Union govern-ment tried to advance the process of collectivization in the Chukchee tundraregion. Up to the early 1950s, almost all the pastoral reindeer were con-sidered state-owned. The Soviet Union government merged reindeer-breeding collective units and coastal hunting collective units, and established mixed “farms” in the Arctic Circle and along the Bering Strait’s coast. The residences of so many coastal Chukchee were demolished, and they were relocated to alternative settlements. In these new and larger settlements, they did not need tradition-al skills, so, they could only do manual labor. Since the 1960s, the ethnic consciousness in the Northeast Siberia region has undergone tremendous changes. Most young Chukchee people do not know whether their parents were from coastal-hun-ting or inland reindeer-breeding groups, which, as we know, were the basic distinctions among the Chukchee people. More young people rejected tra-ditional occupations, and were more willing to par-ticipate in “modern” work, and they increasingly identified themselves with the social-cultural norms of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, their economic life and social organization experienced big changes under the influence of the Soviet Union. The social support of shamanism was destroyed, although it still existed privately and underground. III. Shamanic cultural revival after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a large number of Russians “escaped”;they “killed reindeer, took away all the things that could be taken away”;the young indigenous people also left in order to find jobs outside. In order to rebuild the local economy, the autonomous communities began to try to establish an “obshchina” ( com-mune or society) . In that moment, when the locals were trying to understand the world around them and were looking for ethnic identity, they, once a-gain, needed their traditional worldview and spirit-ual support. In the areas where the shamanic tradi-tion had broken down, one could only rely on reading early European travelers’ records related to shamanism, or talking with old people to get infor-mation about shamanism, and by doing so, revive the once ruptured local beliefs and culture by hold-ing religious and cultural performances regularly. Generally speaking, shamanic culture today has lost its close links with the “special spaces”, as well as its close relationship with the communi-ty. As such, it is difficult for the tradition to repre-sent the strength of the whole society, control or rescue its people and provide prosperity, fertility and guarantee military success for its people. In other words, the essential structure of shamanism, whether it was the internal cultural significance or its integration with society and environment, has been broken and shattered. Fragmented shamanic heritage is the vivid portrait of its fragmented de-velopment stage. IV. Summary Traditional Chukchee economic life, social or-ganization, religious festivals and customswere linked with each other. As a whole, they worked together and created a social order for the Chukchee, and constituted the cultural cohesion of the Chukchee. Shamanism among the Chukchee was integrated into the history of the nation and its social context. Each Chukchee could participate in religious life. Therefore, this “family shamanism”and its “shamanism features” distinguished it from other forms of shamanism among the Siberian tribes. Chukchee people reacted very passively to Christianity when it reached there. Until the early 20th century, almost all Chukchee still adhered to their own shamanistic practices. During the Soviet period, Northeast Siberia experienced the anti-religious movement, collectiv-ization movement, compulsory residence resettle-ment movement, “scientific” reindeer-breeding and other foreign “progress” and “civilization”movements. Such “progress” and “civilization”were not familiar nor were they sympathetic to the indigenous people’s traditional life. The old way of life of the Chukchee was broken, the original so-cial relations were shattered. Therefore, the Chukchee and their entire culture were “re-formed”. Remains and practices of shamanism a-mong the Chukchee went underground, retreated from mainstream social life, and became an inti-mate way of healing. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Russians“ran away”, and the young Chukchee al-so left their traditional homeland. The economic depression, population decline, and social erosion brought big challenges to the movement to “re-build” Chukchee society. As an attempt to bind local Chukchee people, the “obshchina” provided a possibility for reorganizing. Now, shamanism in Chukchee, just like other social organizations, is in a fragmented, theater-like state. The revival of shamanism in Chukchee in the future will not be u-nilateral, but rather rooted in its social and cultural revival system.     

美、苏两种传统的民族生态学之比较——“民族生态学理论与方法研究”之二

本文从理论渊源、研究对象、研究方法和学术影响上对美、苏两种传统的民族生态学进行了比较,认为两者虽然都诞生于民族学或人类学界内部,从事研究的也主要都是人类学家或民族学家,但却有着较大区别。两者之间的根本差别在于前缀ethno-意义的区别。苏联/俄罗斯的ethno-ecology前缀ethno-仅表示着与民族(ethnos)相关,而并不像美国的ethno-ecology前缀ethno-,其意思乃是文化持有者的内部眼界,是一种主位的对人与环境相互关系的研究。     

中亚东干人文化变迁与民族认同

今天生活在中亚吉尔吉斯斯坦、哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦的东干人大约有13万,他们原本是清朝末年我国西北回民起义失败后,在白彦虎等几位首领带领下逃亡中亚的陕甘回民后裔。由于他们迁徙到一个完全陌生的异域环境,并与内地回族在完全隔离的状态下生活了130多年,其语言、文化等受到相邻民族文化影响,发生了许多变化,但他们仍有较强的回...     

民族国家价值观的重建——关于当代俄国民族主义思潮的研究

在这个世纪之交俄国出现的民族主义思潮是后冷战时代重要的社会现象。俄国民族主义思潮包括两方面内容 :一是如何处理苏联遗留下来的民族遗产以及苏联解体带来的民族意识危机等问题 ,二是全球化时代西方社会对俄国民族问题的解读甚至干预、世界主流民族主义理论的发展对俄国民族主义现实状况所带来的挑战。俄国学术界处理民族主义问题常立足于民族传统文化 ,对解释国内民族主义问题有相当的说服力 ,但又限制了俄国民族主义思想进入国际主流学术界     

回族古籍收集、整理的历史与现状

回族古籍是历史上保存下来的主要以汉语、阿拉伯文、波斯文、"小经"等记录的各类文字和口碑等文献资料。本文从历史角度,探讨了回族古籍收集、整理的历史与现状,分析了回族古籍收集、整理的特点、存在的问题,并对其今后的发展作了展望,有助于对回族古籍的深入研究。     

前苏联-俄罗斯民族学理论中的“民族”(этнос)(上)

在前苏联的民族学理论中 ,以“民族” (этнос)概念为核心且涵盖各种“族类共同体”的分类体系形成了一套系统的理论。对这套理论虽然存在着诸多质疑 ,甚至否定性的批判 ,但是其影响依然很大。中国民族学界对这套理论的研究不够 ,特别是西方族群 (ethnicgroup)概念及其相关理论传入后 ,对前苏联的“民族” (этнос)概念及其理论更是绝少问津。在西方“族群” (ethnicgroup)概念和“族群性” (ethnicity)理论大行其道的情势下 ,重视前苏联的民族学理论和当代俄罗斯民族学界对这一问题的继续讨论 ,是发展中国民族学、人类学理论不可忽视的工作     

民族自决权新议

本文主要论述了民族自决权理论的由来、在前苏联建国过程中的应用与实践 ,以及前苏联民族分离主义兴起与民族自决权理论政策的密切关系。在此基础上 ,作者指出 ,在冷战结束、殖民主义体系瓦解、世界已不存在压迫民族和被压迫民族的形势下 ,民族自决权原本包含的国家主权和民族政治独立自主权原则已不适用了 ,而民族自决权应体现为各民族公民享有符合本国国情的人权、参与国家和社会管理包括管理和决策本民族事务的民主权利和平等权利。     

前苏联-俄罗斯民族学理论中的"民族"(этнос)(下)

在前苏联的民族学理论中 ,以“民族” (этнос)概念为核心且涵盖各种“族类共同体”的分类体系形成了一套系统的理论。对这套理论虽然存在着诸多质疑 ,甚至否定性的批判 ,但是其影响依然很大。中国民族学界对这套理论的研究不够 ,特别是西方“族群” (ethnicgroup)概念及其相关理论传入后 ,对前苏联的“民族” (этнос)概念及其理论更是绝少问津。在西方“族群” (eth nicgroup)概念和“族群性” (ethnicity)理论大行其道的情势下 ,重视前苏联的民族学理论和当代俄罗斯民族学界对这一问题的继续讨论 ,是发展中国民族学、人类学理论不可忽视的工作。     

俄罗斯联邦民族文化自治政策的实施及意义

肇始于19世纪的民族文化自治思想因背负资本主义骂名而遭到苏共的封杀。苏联解体后,俄罗斯联邦主要为了满足境内散居民族成员保存和发展自身语言及文化的需求,从1996年开始正式将"民族文化自治"作为调节本国民族关系的一项重要制度。该制度在俄罗斯联邦的实施,不仅是对其区域自治制度的一种补充,也对保护少数民族的文化权益、营造和谐的社会氛围及公民社会的构建等有着积极的现实意义。