Inequality and Occupational Prestige: Theory,Research, and Social Policy*

Occupational prestige is one important dimension of social inequality. Building on past theory and especially on excellent recent empirical research in this area, a new theory is presented. This new theory criticizes some assumptions of older theories of occupational prestige with regard to motivation and to the scarcity of human talent. Finally, using the new theory, some small suggestions are given for social policy to reduce inequality based on occupational prestige.     

Implicit Nativist Attitudes,Social Desirability,and Immigration Policy Preferences

While previous research on immigration attitudes among the American public has focused on factors such as economic threat, social context, and racial prejudice, fewer studies have examined the psychological determinants of immigration policy preferences. This study analyzes the results of an implicit association test (IAT) procedure that measures automatic nativist preferences for a traditional American culture versus a Latino‐American culture (i.e., implicit nativist attitudes). In brief, this study demonstrates that implicit nativist attitudes are fairly common, that they are an independent predictor of immigration policy attitudes, and that they affect those who are not explicitly nativist but who still hold restrictionist policy views.     

Family Development Cycle,Social Class,and Inequality in Rwanda1

Abstract The relative importance of social class differences (social differentiation) and stages of the family development cycle (demographic differentiation) on income inequalities in rural Rwanda are discussed and compared using survey data from 1,019 households. Both forms of differentiation are conceptualized as dynamic processes that intersect through their mutual inclusion of landholding—land being fundamental to our understanding of social class in the Third World and likewise closely tied to the timing of the developmental stages of the family cycle. Findings demonstrate that both forms of differentiation are vitally important, in roughly equal proportions, to household income generation in Rwanda. Emphasis is placed on the direct effects of the social class variables and on the indirect effects of the demographic differentiation process. The importance of the impact of contextual variables, such as land scarcity and the absence of alternative nonfarm employment, on income inequality are assessed.     

Social Class,Migration Policy and Migrant Strategies: An Introduction

The introduction to this special issue traces class at the interface between migration policy and migrant strategies. Scholarship on the politics of migration and citizenship has thus far largely neglected class. In contrast, we contend that discourses on migration, integration and citizenship are inevitably classed. Assessed through seemingly heterogeneous criteria of “merit” and “performance”, class serves as an analytical connector between economic and identity rationales which intersect in all migration policies, including those regulating family and humanitarian admission. Class‐selective policy frames can function as constraints maintaining some aspiring migrants into immobility or channeling different groups of migrants into separate and unequal incorporation routes. Yet, policy frames can also serve as resources to strategize with as migrants navigate and perform gendered and classed expectations embedded into receiving‐country migration regimes. We conclude that connecting policy with migrant strategies is key to reintroducing class without naturalizing classed strategies of mobility.     

Equality and Inequality in Modern Society, or Social Stratification Revisited

This paper attempts both to "bring up to date" the author's conception of social stratification as set forth in two previous general papers written in 1940 and 1953, and to broaden the field of consideration by giving special attention to the forces pressing toward equality in various respects, as well as the bases of inequality. The position taken is that the erosion of the legitimacy of the traditional bases of inequality has brought to a new level of prominence value-commitment to an essential equality of status of all members of modern societal communities.
Inequalities, among units of societal structure which are essential in such fields as economic productivity, authority and power, and culturally based competence, must be justified in terms of their contribution to societal functioning. The balancing of the respects in which all members of the societal community and many of its collective subunits must be held to be equal with the imperatives of inequality constitutes one of the primary foci of the problem of integration in modern society. A few suggestions about the mechanisms by which this integrative process can operate are presented.     

Social Marketisation and Policy Influence of Third Sector Organisations: Evidence from the UK

The marketisation of social sector organisations or social marketisation emerged and spread around the world in the past three decades. In contrast with existing literature which claims that social marketisation makes social sector organisations reduce their efforts on advocacy and thus harms a civil society, this research argues that social marketisation is positively contributed to the influence of third sector organisations on government policies, and thus it strengthens civil society, rather than erodes it. Based on the National Survey of Charities and Social Enterprises in the UK, the results of regression analyses indicate clearly that, when other factors are equal, the two indicators of social marketisation, social entrepreneurship and achieving government contracts for purchasing services, are both statistically significant in estimating the level of policy influence of third sector organisations. The contribution of this research is that it finds a positive, instead of a negative, relationship between social marketisation and the perceived policy influence of third sector organisations.     

Gender,Parental Control,and Risk Preferences: Evidence from Japanese College Students

Power-control theory, in its original formulation, links patriarchal family structures to parental control, and then to gender differences in risk preference. In previous studies, most of which have been conducted in North America, direct tests of the links have shown that parental control is a key mediating variable explaining the relationship between gender and risk preferences for those raised in patriarchal families. With data from a sample of college students in Japan, the present study tests the hypothesis that the tendency for females to have a lower affinity for risks, globally defined, than males is attributable to different patterns of parental control imposed on daughters compared to sons. We have found that female students have a significantly lower penchant for risk than males, but that such a difference cannot be explained by gender differences in the intensity of instrumental kinds of parental controls, neither mothers' nor fathers' supervision and surveillance.     

Social Capital,Knowledge, and the Environment: The Effect of Interpersonal Communication on Climate Change Knowledge and Policy Preferences

Abstract

This article contributes to the literature on social capital and the environment in two ways. First, we identify a relationship between interpersonal discussion networks and assessed and perceived individual scientific knowledge. We then examine if knowledge mediates the relationship between discussion networks and policy preferences about climate change (CC). Using nationally representative survey data, we examine the extent to which an individual’s interpersonal discussion network is related to knowledge on CC and support for CC policy. We find those who discuss climate have higher levels of perceived knowledge, but discussion is not related to individuals’ levels of assessed knowledge. We also find that knowledge does not fully mediate the relationship between discussion and policy preferences, implying that interpersonal discussion may influence CC policy preferences independent of perceived and assessed knowledge. We conclude with remarks about the importance of knowledge perception as well as offer some avenues to extend this research.     

Preferences and Predictors of Aging in Place: Longitudinal Evidence from Melbourne,Australia

This article reports older Australians' preferences for aging in place and predictors of their subsequent experiences drawing on a longitudinal study in Melbourne over 16 years. At baseline, 40% had lived in their homes for 30 or more years and the majority had preference for aging in place. However, the proportion continuing to do so was lower, with reducing independence being a major barrier. Women, renters, those not living with a partner, or those with depressive symptoms were most vulnerable, while home ownership, socioeconomic resources, neighborhood satisfaction, and home modifications were positively associated with aging in place.     

Budgets,Board Games,and Make Believe: The Challenge of Teaching Social Class Inequality with Non-Traditional Students

According to a 2002 study by the U.S. Department of Education, the percentage of “traditional students” on college campuses is declining. Students increasingly are delaying enrollment, attending college part time, working full time, financially independent, and single parents. In this paper, we explore the extent to which sociologists are adapting their teaching to address these shifting demographics. Based on a content analysis of articles published over a 20 year period in Teaching Sociology that suggest strategies for teaching social class inequality we find that most authors assume that their students are “traditional.” Most often this means that students are assumed to come from a privileged, middle class background, lack direct and substantial experience in the labor market, and enter college shortly after graduating high school. Accordingly, most articles advocate classroom strategies of “looking down,” whereby students pretend to be in the shoes of those less fortunate. Examples include creating household budgets based on poverty wages, playing board games, or assuming the role of the poor for a day. These strategies run the risk of being ineffective, alienating, and potentially ethically suspect when used with non-traditional students, whose real life experiences may resemble these simulations. We conclude with recommendations for pedagogical approaches to teaching social class inequality that are more appropriate for, and inclusive of, students from diverse backgrounds. Our goal in this paper is to start a discussion about pedagogy, social inequality, and the non-traditional student.     

The Class Politics of Alternative Food: Informing Public Health Policy and Remedying Health Inequality

The past decade has witnessed an interesting coupling between alternative ways to produce and consume food (farmers' markets, Consumer Supported Agriculture (CSA) shares, and urban gardens to name a few) and individual health‐seeking. While much of this activity rests on an ideological rhetoric of individual choice and “lifestyleism” strongly correlated with social class, there have also been a host of very different government and policy efforts aimed at improving poor food environments and the vulnerable populations that inhabit them in the name of public health. Efforts such as zoning against fast food franchises, placing stipulations on what benefit programs like Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) can be used for, and taxing foods deemed unhealthy are sparking public debate because they cut to the heart of many American socio‐political debates: the tension between individual liberties and government intervention. Based on existing scholarship of alternative food, health, and bodies, and the author's insights gleaned from ethnographic research, this article sheds light on the potential ineffectiveness of such public health efforts despite positive – and often times class‐conscious – intentions. Such an acknowledgement raises critical questions about who benefits and who misses out in alternative food projects. While this article situates these questions squarely in the American context, it also highlights the need for other situated studies that emphasize other countries' particular political, cultural, and economic contexts that shape contemporary food systems, and their accompanying moral politics.     

Social (and Disability) Policy in the New Democracies of Europe (Slovenia by Way of Example)

Social transformation in states of Central and Eastern Europe after 1989 have brought about fundamental changes in the existing social policies, including also disability policies and status of people with disabilities. This changes affect the status of people with disabilities profoundly. Severe economic and political crises, reduction of social transfers, increasing unemployment - all this exerts a negative influence upon the chances for integration and full participation of the people with disabilities in social life. On other hand, however, a different understanding of human rights and movement for an independent way of life allow people with disabilities to co-decide on matters that are of consequence to the specific population to which they belong. In Slovenia in 1991, the Parliament adopted Strategy on National Development Policy for People with Disabilities, laying down guidelines for the development of this specific section of social policy. Established in the course of the same year was a governmental Committee on Disability, while in 1994 a special parliamentary commission was founded to this effect. This means that on the strategic and conceptual level, respectively, the disability problems are receiving proper attention, while a number of operational problems remain open and will have to be solved one by one, in collaboration with the Parliament, government, organisations of people with disabilities and experts.     

Social Work,Social Policy and the Journal

There are problems associated with mainstream sociological and criminological research into youth violence. Conventional frameworks ignore the interpretive component of violence and thus fail to treat youth violence as a form of action in which motivations, moral impulses and feelings are constitutive of the action. Young people historically have had little opportunity to enter into dominant discourses about violence. This paper reports on the accounts of 29 young people who have been directly involved in violence. Those young people were asked to define violence and describe what personal and collective meanings they attach to their actions.     

Risk Preferences and Immigration Attitudes: Evidence from Four East Asian Countries

Economic interests, such as increased job market competition or tax burden in the host countries, often explain attitudes toward immigration. Some empirical studies that have adopted this economic perspective report, however, that an individual's economic circumstances are not directly linked to his or her attitudes toward immigration, emphasizing that people can have different interpretations even under the same circumstances. We argue that risk preferences (i.e., willingness to take risks) shape personal perceptions about the costs and benefits of immigrant workers in the job market and immigration. Using the 2008 East Asian Social Survey from China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, we find that individuals who like to take more risks are more likely to be positive about immigration. Our study indicates the importance of psychological tendency in the formation of native citizens' attitudes toward immigration.     

Theorizing Inequality: Comparative Policy Regimes,Gender, and Everyday Lives

Sociological explanations of inequality are incomplete unless they fully recognize the importance of social policy regimes, the policy logics embedded within them, and how policy arrangements work to stratify and shape daily lives. In this address, I develop my arguments by examining two overlapping struggles of everyday life in the contemporary United States: balancing work and family on the one hand, and securing health‐care services, both formal medical care and informal family care, on the other. Both struggles involve care deficits that are significantly more serious in the United States than in other high‐income countries, in part because our policy regime contributes to rather than counters the gendered roots of work–family conflict. Comparative studies hold a key to better understanding the link between policy regimes and everyday lives, as illustrated by the author's own comparative research in Finland and in the United States In terms of policies and policy logics that promote gender equity, paid parental leave for fathers has received much recent attention from social science scholars. Sociologists are challenged to become aware of comparative social policy scholarship and to approach inequalities and the related daily conflicts and struggles—such as over care deficits—by including this work in their analyses.