Civic,ethnic, hybrid and atomised identities in Central and Eastern Europe

While the topic of identity of ethnic minorities abounds in theoretical insights, most discussion is still clustered around the civic–ethnic divide while assuming conclusions with limited empirical evidence. By contrast, this article uses a four-category typology of identity that considers both in-group and out-group attachments to address hypotheses about competing identities and about factors influencing minorities to adopt one identity type over others. Based on unique data evidence of 12 ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe, this study concludes that the ‘hybrid’ identity, rather than the literature-assumed ‘ethnic’ identity, tops the identification preference of minorities, although there are differences in levels and patterns when controlling for various covariates. The choice of identity depends on the socialisation process, the economic status, the perceived discrimination and intergroup tensions, reflecting variations in the system of values common to a region with complex ethnic dynamics.     

Formation of European identity: ethnic minority groups in Central and Eastern Europe in generational perspective

Research into European identity has mostly focused on majority populations in Western European countries, neglecting new member states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) as well as ethnic minority groups. This paper contributes to filling this gap by exploring and investigating processes of European identity formation of five ethnic minority groups in four CEE countries. A generational perspective was applied by conducting qualitative in-depth interviews with three generations of ethnic minority group members. The results support the instrumental approach of identity construction. In all minority groups researched, the young generation, due to more positive personal experiences and perceived benefits from the European Union, have developed more positive images and perceptions of Europe and a greater sense of European identity than older generations. Furthermore, ethnic group-specific processes of identity formation were found.     

Measuring the Role of Central and Eastern European Countries in World Drug Research

This paper explores the sociological behavior of firms in the pharmaceutical industry in Central and Eastern Europe as measured by funding linkages. Using the ISI Web of Science data-base, the number of research papers funded by top American and European pharmaceuticals with at least one author from Central and Eastern Europe are identified. Results indicate that Poland leads in the region by both the number of papers funded and by percentage of a firm’s total papers funded, followed closely by Hungary, Greece and the Czech Republic. Though the percentages of any firm’s linkages with a Central and Eastern European author are small (upper limit being 6.6%), this percentage is skewed due to the fact that the US is cited for 50% of papers for most firms. Roche Corporation is the top funder of papers among both US and European firms. Incidentally, zero top American pharmaceuticals were found to have an R&D center located in Central and Eastern Europe whereas European firms: GlaxoSmithKline and Sanofi-Aventis do—possibly indicating a difference in business strategy between European and American pharmaceuticals.     

Beyond 3×1: Linking Sending and Receiving Societies in the Development Process

In this paper, I explore the possibilities of linking and expanding existing sending and receiving countries' initiatives that mobilize immigrants to participate in the development process of their countries of origin in such a way as to advance two main goals of such initiatives: (1) to multiply their developmental impact in sending regions; and (2) to help increase the social and political capital of immigrants and immigrant associations, so as to facilitate both their role in the development of their countries of origin and also their integration in their host societies. In the paper, I will study the Mexican 3×1 programme and Spain's co‐development model and explore the ways in which programmes such as these could be ideally linked and implemented, in diverse contexts, in a way that is advantageous to both sending and receiving societies. The paper is based on research conducted over the past 9 years with Mexican immigrant associations in the United States; on interviews with Mexican government officials in Mexico and the United States; and on interviews conducted in 2008 and 2009 in Spain.     

Catching up,forging ahead or falling behind? Central and Eastern European development in 1990–2005

This paper aims to assess the economic development and development policies in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in 1990–2005, from the collapse of the USSR to the enlargement of the European Union. A great number of authors have generally seen the transition as a very positive process. They have concluded that the reform policies focusing on macroeconomic and price stability have been the key to success for CEE economies. A reliable economic environment is, of course, instrumental for longer-term economic success, as exemplified by the prolonged crisis in most of the former Soviet Union. Our analysis of the economic development and competitive advantages in the region, however, leads to the conclusion that the specific approach to transition that the Central and Eastern European countries followed came at a rather high cost. Comparative neglect and weakness of a set of policies crucial for longer-term development, such as science, technology and innovation policies, has led to deterioration in the last decade rather than the strengthening of the competitive advantages of Central and Eastern European economies. Furthermore, we argue that, in most cases, CEE countries have unfortunately overlooked or misjudged a number of development challenges, and have thus implemented policies that have generated growth at the cost of rapidly increasing risks. This is how the financial fragility of several Central and Eastern European countries has recently increased drastically, and the region seems to have virtually arrived at the brink of economic collapse. Since the CEE countries joined the European Union, the CEE governments have gradually moved towards acquiring a more active role in economic development. These policies need, however, to be strengthened considerably and reinforced by macroeconomic policies that curb current excessive dependence on foreign-financed growth.     

Roma Education in Eastern and Central Europe: some personal reflections

In this article I reflect on my experiences working on educational projects involving Roma in Eastern and Central Europe, especially in Bulgaria. I discuss one particular case study, in which a group of educational experts were able to get the Bulgarian Government to accept and later to support intercultural education materials on the Roma. I also outline an educational approach that I would like to call the “bottle party” approach to education, to be contrasted with the “vessel filling” approach. I close by describing a new initiative in informal education in Central and Eastern Europe that revolves around the concepts of empowerment and mentorship.     

知识城市：中心城市发展与转型的选择

在知识经济的兴起和城市危机发生的宏观背景下,知识城市的发展模式诞生并迅速在世界范围内推广。本文首先介绍知识城市的先进理念,引进知识城市的完整框架,在此基础上,以国外著名的中心城市墨尔本、伦敦、曼彻斯特等为案例介绍其向知识城市转型的成功经验,并结合我国大城市的实际情况和发展阶段,讨论我国大城市转型和可持续发展的道路,并提供相应的对策建议。     

Evolving Socio-economic Conditions in Central and Eastern Europe: A Myrdalian View

The debate about the effects of transformation policies will continue, given the impossibility of isolating their impact while holding constant other factors responsible for performance. However, one conclusion that can be drawn is that, using comparable performance indicators, trends in China, except for inflation and political democracy, are either similar to or more positive than corresponding results in CEE (Chai, 1992; Field, 1992; Harrold, 1993; Yeh, 1992). In nearly every year since 1978 China's actual performance has exceeded that planned, while in CEE the decline in economic activity following the implementation of transformation measures has consistently exceeded the most pessimistic forecasts of policy-makers and their foreign advisers. In consequence, the social and economic costs borne by the Chinese during their transformation have been much less than in CEE. Based upon his own goals and assessment of CEE policies and their expected and actual consequences (see Tables 1 and 2). Myrdal would evaluate the performance of CEE economies as relatively poor⁶ Negative assessments would be accorded to social and economic equalisation, rise in productivity, rise in living standards, and social discipline and rational planning. He would find both positive and negative aspects for each of the other four criteria.⁷ Overall, he would evaluate the ‘tendencies’ as unfavourable because of the absence of any clear positive trends throughout the region. This evaluation, combined with the comparison with China, calls into question the efficacy of CEE policies based upon the assumption that transformation requires rapid privatisation, elimination of subsidies to state-owned enterprises, and stabilisation measures prior to institutional reforms, or that the state ought to adopt a passive role concerning supply-side responses during the transformation process. As the consummate political economist, Myrdal would criticise CEE goals and policies and suggest alternatives consistent with his value premises and his theory of development.