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1.
巴勒斯坦与以色列的经济发展水平呈现出巨大的反差和非对称性,但同时又蕴涵着某种互补性,为巴以经济的交往与合作提供了不容忽视的潜力。未来巴以在农业、工业、建筑与基础设施、能源、金融等领域都有着潜在的合作空间。  相似文献   

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在2000年9月爆发的巴以冲突中,以色列不仅对巴勒斯坦实行领土占领,而且为保证自身的绝对安全,对巴勒斯坦采取了经济上的全面控制,双方的经济差距由此越来越大,这种差距不仅仅是巴以冲突的结果,更是引发双方冲突的导火线和原因.  相似文献   

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巴以经济陷于困境笔者于2002年10月前往以色列,在著名的耶路撒冷希伯来大学进行了为期八个月的访问学习。说实话,在去以色列之前,总觉得那边非常危险,但真正身临其境以后,心情却异常的坦然平静, 因为自杀性爆炸并不是每天都发生,日子还得照过。在耶路撒冷,无论是犹太人还是阿拉伯人,他们其实每天都有规律地生活与工作。起初我想,大概是巴以冲突的新闻曝光率太高,所以大家都觉得那是个不能多呆的是非之地。其实, 在以色列每年因车祸而死亡的人数远远高于因自杀性爆炸而死亡的人数。  相似文献   

4.
在2000年9月爆发的巴以冲突中,以色列不仅对巴勒斯坦实行领土占领,而且为保证自身的绝对安全,对巴勒斯坦采取了经济上的全面控制。双方的经济差距由此越来越大,这种差距不仅仅是巴以冲突的结果,更是引发双方冲突的导火线和原因。  相似文献   

5.
美国巧遇恐怖袭击与中东地区关联深厚,而反恐行动更是为本已动荡的巴以局势增添了新的变数。反恐利益主导下的美国中东政策的不稳定性客观上加剧了中东局势的动荡。随着反恐行动的后续发展,伊拉克成为新打击对象,中东的两大热点--巴以争端和伊拉克问题在反恐框架中相互交织,中东局势未来走向与美国反恐息息相关。在可预见的将来,美国中东政策将在确保中东根本利益不受影响的前提下,根据反恐需要做相应调整,而巴以冲突将维持可控制的低烈度状态。  相似文献   

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土耳其和以色列一直保持着友好稳定的合作关系。埃尔多安领导的正义与发展党执政后,土耳其和以色列关系起伏跌宕,巴勒斯坦问题、土以两国政局变化、正发党的外交理念等成为长期影响两国关系发展的主要因素。在当前巴以和平进程停滞不前、正发党继续执政的背景下,土以关系可能会长期处于冷热不均的状态,但双方的地缘环境、共同利益和相互需要决定了两国关系不会彻底破裂,更不会成为宿敌。  相似文献   

7.
自中东剧变以来,巴以问题有被边缘化的趋势,但巴以问题仍是关乎全局的中东核心问题。中国在此过程中扮演什么样的角色依然极为重要。本文认为中国在巴以问题上的一贯立场使其积累了较为丰富的历史经验、道义资源,同时当今国内国际形势的变化也有利于中国进一步介入中东和平进程以发挥建设性作用。因此,中国在巴以问题上需要进一步调整和深化角色,力争更好地彰显“负责任的大国”形象。  相似文献   

8.
第三次中东战争后,以色列对约旦河西岸和加沙地带的占领为巴勒斯坦农业和工业带来了诸多负面影响,并使巴勒斯坦经济具有较强的依附性,突出表现为劳务输出和进出口贸易对以色列的依赖。以色列的占领严重地影响了巴经济的发展,并造成了巴勒斯坦在巴以和谈中的劣势。  相似文献   

9.
第三次中东战争后,以色列对约旦河西岸和加沙地带的占领为巴勒斯坦农业和工业带来了诸多负面影响,并使巴勒斯坦经济具有较强的依附性,突出表现为劳务输出和进出口贸易对以色列的依赖。以色列的占领严重地影响了巴经济的发展,并造成了巴勒斯坦在巴以和谈中的劣势。  相似文献   

10.
2001年美国中东政策之转变   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
《阿拉伯世界》2002,(1):14-16
美国的中东政策一向与它的战略利益、经济利益紧密联系在一起。过去一年,巴以间的相互攻击和报复与反报复的暴力冲突几乎从未停止。美国作为“国际警察”,在巴以问题上,从相对“超脱”到“更积极”介入,无不是从其本国利益出发。911事件使美国意识到,解决巴以冲突进而实现中东和平,是和反恐战争相一致的。只有通过和平手段,公平合理地解决巴以冲突,真正实现中东和平,才能对恐怖主义做到釜底抽薪的作用。  相似文献   

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《Journal of Rural Studies》2000,16(3):285-294
We argue that a “free” market — that is, a market in which the state does not intervene — is a theoretical impossibility in a state society. In place of the natural economy view of a market apart from the state, we offer a social economy view of the inescapable social structuring of markets through state regulation. Even when states institute policies which prevent “interference” in a market, the enforcement power of the state is no less required. We thus distinguish between two forms of regulation: negative regulation — regulation which prevents interference — and positive regulation — regulation which enables interference. These two forms of regulation make possible two different conceptions of freedom, what Isaiah Berlin once termed “negative freedom” from agency and “positive freedom” to have agency. We argue that positive and negative freedom and positive and negative regulation are inseparable; freedom is always contextual. Through a discussion of the debate between industrial agriculture and environmentalists, we show that both supporters and critics of the “free” market are alike in their advocacy, often unacknowledged, of both negative and positive forms of regulation. Rather then a lessening of regulation, this debate represents the institution of a new regulatory regime out of the contest of interests. We conclude by considering the implications for democracy of the contextual character of freedom.  相似文献   

14.
Although a number of valuable models of central‐local relationships in the nonprofit sector have been developed, particularly in relation to federal structures, there has been a tendency to assume that in any given organizational relationship central‐local structures will follow one common pattern. We argue that wider strategies are available: central dependency along one dimension may run with greater local autonomy along another. Such mixed tight‐loose structures may be of considerable importance in the “boundaryless” organizational environment of the future.  相似文献   

15.
A generalized adult hostility toward youth derives from the complexities of the parent/child relationship, often mirrored in the helper/client and therapist/patient dyads. Parents derive considerable or little narcissistic gain from the accomplishments of their offspring, and conversely, are disappointed or even mortified by their failures. This is particularly true of narcissistically vulnerable parents—helpers and therapists as well—and accounts for widespread attitudes of competition, disparagement, and outright hostility toward young people. In the extreme, the pathological situations of emotional exploitation, incest, and physical abuse occur, but lesser forms of exploitation, such as personally gratifying advocacy, political gain, cultism, and enhancement of professional status, point to similar, but seemingly less destructive, forms of narcissistic gain. Youth may respond by conforming, defying, disappointing, and deviating. Adults may be either pleased, or enraged.  相似文献   

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This paper seeks to explore the place of kramats the graves of Muslim saints or Auliyah – in the landscape of contemporary Cape Town. The kramat sites have been proclaimed as heritage sites because of their importance as tangible signs of Islam at the Cape. At the same time, the process of the kramats becoming heritage sites has contained moments of intense, often sensational, public contestation. Offering a reading of the discourses surrounding two contested kramats in Cape Town, this paper explores the way kramats mark out a miraculous space in the prosaic modern city and introduce into the post-apartheid evaluation of heritage, alternative conceptions of space and notions of temporality. They are sites of impossibility where, it is claimed, the laws of nature themselves are interrupted to mark the intangible particularities of the site. This paper explores what happens when this miraculous space is subject to the demands of private property and municipal law and the conflicts that arise from this collision of different conceptual and experiential modalities. It considers the effects of the entanglement of legend and history that result from the production of these sites as heritage in a market-driven economy.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

Whilst the fall of state socialism in 1989 opened up a space for the Polish LGBT movement to emerge and develop, over the last three decades the process has taken place against the backdrop of material and ideological constraints of neoliberalization, a point that has been largely overlooked in the scholarship on the Polish LGBT movement. Informed by interviews with Polish LGBT activists this article explores the contradictory ways in which processes of neoliberalization and market logic influence and often constrain the Polish LGBT movement. The argument is that neoliberalization and its logic profusely affect what is possible and desirable for the Polish LGBT movement on a personal, local as well as a national level. The contradictory effects of the processes of neoliberalization combined with the political climate, with minimal or no state support for LGBT organizing, result in a movement that is at the mercy of the market-like environment, under-resourced, dependent almost entirely on voluntary labor and spatially scarce.  相似文献   

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